24982 AYM Ultimatum

The Ultimatum of 24982 AYM was a document issued by Zümiža, the then-Hyvamto-Rhïlýrhonid, on 15 Geta-Eimarae, 24982 AYM. It was the final order of eviction that ended the tumultuous Crisis of 24982 AYM, forcing the Khólteð Family out of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe altogether. With the relative peace that ensued after the eviction, the 24982 AYM Ultimatum is often seen as one of the defining events separating the Heta-Ýmor-Vëtam (First Dark Age) from the Heta-Ýmor-Mošindë (First Golden Age). However, for the Khólteð Family, it did away with the restrictive nature of the tribal walls and limited land, and instead opened the door for the widespread violence and lawlessness that perpetuated the Khólteðian Wars.

Prelude

The Motives of the Crisis and its Place in Ïlýrhonid History

The 24982 AYM Ultimatum was the final act of the Crisis of 24982 AYM, which in itself was a conflict stemming from a long history of ostracization and stigmatization, namely regarding Öhr-Fëkahr and his descendants the Fýr-Hŋýtor, due to Öhr-Fëkahr's act of committing Ýyorhïsïb with members of other families. As punishment, these descendants were relegated to two specially-designated territories, the Krëšŋ-Ðórr and Khëlër-Ðórr, which were dominated by, among other things, inedible sand and barely-edible bedrock. The Fýr-Hŋýtor survived in this harsh enviornment all the way from their initial banishment in 25080 to the onset of the Crisis.

For that enormous period of time, the Ïlýrhonid Tribe as a whole was dominated by the most impactful events of the Ýmor-Šapariž and Heta-Ýmor-Vëtam, which saw, among other things, the battering of the tribe by natural disasters and the societal upheaval brought by the Žötó-Žimiara. The most consequential results of these events was that the failings and inefficiencies of the main tribal government, the Hyvamto-Rhïlýrhonid and the Alaghúl-Garhifiŋ, were exposed to the whole populace, and so being, the populace thus began to see the familial government (the Hyvamto-Žö-Ýšïb) as those with the effective power instead. This is why the Heta-Ýmor-Vëtam is often called the Era of the Family, or the time when the Family itself was at its most powerful within the societal dynamics of the tribe.

In the context of this overarching history, the Crisis, which serves as the final act of the Heta-Ýmor-Vëtam, represents the point at which the power of the Family crumbled and the Hyvamto-Žö-Ýšïb's flaws were similarly exposed, and likewise the power and reputation of the Hyvamto-Rhïlýrhonid rose in turn. Unlike the failings of the Hyvamto-Rhïlýrhonid and the successes of the Hyvamto-Žö-Ýšïb and other familial figures that so permeated the Ýmor-Šapariž and the Heta-Ýmor-Vëtam, the Crisis saw an inversion thereof. The Familial authorities, far from merely being unable to stop the rampant violence, were instead the main instigators of this violence (through their treatment of the Fýr-Hŋýtor) and the perpetuators thereof as well (through violent means during the Crisis itself, like the Massacre of the Krëšŋ-Ðórr, the Battle of Arhžvóo, and the Battle at the Palace). Alternatively, the tribal authorities, namely Zümiža the Hyvamto-Rhïlýrhonid, were the forces that ultimately stopped the violence through acts like the Ceasefire of Zïlëŋý and, of course, the 24982 AYM Ultimatum itself. The actions of Zümiža after the Crisis, especially regarding the reshaping of tribal law and social customs, would cement the dominance of the Hyvamto-Rhïlýrhonid as the main authority, and the relegation of the familial leaders as mere minor components.

The Crisis Itself

Main Article: Crisis of 24982 AYM

The Crisis of 24982 AYM arose from the aforementioned conflict between the Arðor-Tal and Arðor-Úŋï, which represented the Fýr-Hŋýtor (who campaigned for the abolishment of the Hyvamto-Žö-Ýšïb altogether) and the 'anti-Fýr-Hŋýtor' (more specifically those that wanted to keep the Hyvamto-Žö-Ýšïb in power). It arose from the death of Rithas, the previous Hyvamto-Žö-Ýšïb, and the kidnapping of his successor Šïk-hórom by Talian forces. This would give rise to a massive series of military engagements between the Talians and Úŋïans at the Krëšŋ-Ðórr (where Šïk-hórom was held). The Talians eventually gave way, and the resultant purging of the Krëšŋ-Ðórr is what is called the Massacre of the Krëšŋ-Ðórr. For the first time, the Massacre sowed doubts in the Family populace (those who were neither Talians or Úŋïans) regarding the validity of both sides. Finding both of them unsuitable as governments, the first tribes known as the First-Phase Kýïan Tribes emerged, each defined by differing ideas as to how the family must be governed. Campaigning for the Ëzó-Rhažóval (the symbolic seat of Familial power), they engaged in infighting and skirmishes but were largely stopped by each other and by two other Kýïan tribes, Këhóš-Ýïr and Ömak-Ýïr, which are thus called the Proto-Second-Phase Tribes.

The violence continued through such engagements as the Battle of Arhžvóo and the Battle at the Palace, the latter of which finally attracted the widespread attention of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe at large. To curtail the rampant violence, Zümiža issued the Ceasefire of Zïlëŋý on 25 Anta-Eimarae, in which attempts to peace were made, most poignantly through the grand reassignment of the familial land such that half of it belonged to the Talians and half of it belonged to the Úŋïans. In terms of political representation in the Alaghúl-Garhifiŋ, the two groups were also given half of that of a regular familial representation.

Due to the clandestine nature of the Kýïans, this third group of tribes was largey marginalized and cast aside, and this sparked a series of skirmishes that ultimately led to the dissolution of the ceasefire in merely 7 days. From then until 13 Geta-Eimarae, these skirmishes would cause, among other things, a large-scale fracturing of the Talians and Úŋïans, each splitting up into a myriad of different tribes of their own that disagreed with each other about a similarly-diverse myriad of contentious issues. In 13 Geta-Eimarae, a particular skirmish erupted into the Battle of Köš-Ëmvrad, a multi-day and multi-tribe episode of extreme violence that finally forced Zümiža to issue the second the two Crisis-related decrees, the Ultimatum of 24982 AYM.

Decree

The First Document (15 Geta-Eimarae)

The Ultimatum was not a single document but a series of three separate documents that were issued at various points along the resultant cessation of hostilities. The first was issued on 15 Geta-Eimarae; hostilities, especially the Battle of Köš-Ëmvrad, did not cease until the next day, having been put down by elements of the tribal army. This first document forced the end of the Crisis through the abolition of any and all types of violence and a more lasting ceasefire that was signed by all 32 tribes in the following days. To accomplish this ceasefire, a large-scale headcount of the 32 tribes was held, and this headcount was recorded alongside the Ultimatum and on the same document. This is the main source behind the main actors in the Crisis and the Khólteðtian Wars and one of the most important sources regarding the transition between them. The most crucial thing to note is that, when the first document was issued, the total eviction of the Family was not on anyone's mind; instead, the goal of Zümiža was merely to keep the conflict from boiling out of control, and instead to force it down to a simmer through any means necessary.

Following the headcount, however, Zümiža became aware that the conflict was still brewing despite the Ultimatum's peace. This was perceived through the behavior and violent tendencies of many individuals in the Family, who had to be held back by the tribal Army nearly 100 separate times during and immediately after the headcount. Given the conflict's heavy influence on other families and the perception of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe, Zümiža opted to take advantage of this temporary peace and the newly-created influence of his role to separate the Family from the tribe, thus issuing the Second Document in 21 Geta-Eimarae.

The Second Document (21 Geta-Eimarae)

The Second Document called for the total eviction of all Khólteð Family members, irrespective of tribe, and gave detailed instructions for how this eviction process would be held. This was to be accomplished under a lengthy process and constant scrutiny of the Army, with a rough deadline being 4 Heta-Eimarae, 24981 AYM. During these 10 days, tribal boundaries were mostly dissolved but still held with barricades and Army soldiers. The Family members were to gather all personal belongings, and each individual was given the right to go to any part of the tribal lands to fetch personal belongings that may have been displaced from them during the conflict. This especially held for the Talians, whose original territories of the Krëšŋ-Ðórr and Khëlër-Ðórr were so far removed from their new settlements (established in the Ceasefire of Zïlëŋý). Anticipating a myriad of complications regarding this 'free movement', Zümiža added an addendum that defined a personal belonging as being one of absolute necessity for physical and mental health, and gave soldiers free will to decide whether the request of an individual constituted that definition. More importantly, the soldiers were given full authority to use extreme violence to quell any notion of violence, both against themselves and against other Family members. In the days between the Second Document's issuance and the eviction, more than 100 individuals were slain by this manner, such that by 1 Heta-Eimarae, the bulk of the Family was entirely subjugated. The rules of the Second Document would be the dominant set thereof in the entire eviction process.

The Third Document (6 Heta-Eimarae, 24981 AYM)

The Third Document was written after the successful eviction of the Khólteð Family (which actually occurred a day before its deadline, in 3 Heta-Eimarae). In the immediate aftermath, Zümiža and the Army would survey the remains of the Family's abandoned landa dn from it commence the long process of cleanup. The Third Document was Zümiža's own recollections and takeaways on the survey, particularly after witnessing the devastation of the Krëšŋ-Ðórr. This land had been so ravaged not only by the violence, but also by years of stigmatization dating back to 25080 AYM (as is explained above). Namely, the way of life had been so reduced there that the only settlements were small huts made of extremely hard bedrock (that had to be mined with great difficulty).

To Zümiža, it was an abject failure on his and his predecessor's (Anirhož) part, namely in how tribal culture had been defined throughout the Ýmor-Šapariž, that the Crisis had even occurred. Upon returning to the Ëzó-Rhegarhifiŋ (his Palace), he immediately began drafting a new set of rules and laws that would be the cornerstone of the tribal customs and behavior throughout the rest of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe's history. These would consist of more than 80 different individual laws, or Kaðmoŋ, that addressed all aspects of tribal life and categorization within the tribal sphere.

• Kaðmoŋ 1-38: In his highly specific motivations, he would first target the issues that had given rise to the Crisis, namely the previously-prohibited intermingling of the Families. Making this fully legal, Zümiža, would spend a myriad of further laws redefining the notion of family, as the potential of intermingling rendered it no longer strictly based on genealogy. Instead, as one of the central tenets of the Third Document, Zümiža would redefine the notion of family as being chiefly based on physical location. That is, the history of that individual in regards to the familial territory in which they live determines the familial identity.
• Kaðmoŋ 39-50: The middle portions serve to elaborate on the new familial definition in regards to its relation with tribal politics and responsibilities. In particular, each Head of the Family, or Hyvamto-Žö-Ýšïb, now held partial responsibility for the well-being of the entire tribe, such that the imbalances of one individual Family could be offset by contributions from others. The Council known as the Alaghúl-Garhifiŋ, which would be made of these Heads, became the supreme government, with more attention and importance given to it than Zümiža's own role. However, recalling the involvement of Rithas in the events leading up to the Crisis, Zümiža would also establish two other roles, deemed the Khöðar-Rhëmïŋ. These 'guards', namely those of from a myriad of families, would become full-fledged members of other families and observe the everyday lives of the people there, especially in locations that are hidden from public view. From there, they would participate in meetings of the Garhifiŋ and present a more clearer picture of the Family that the Hyvamto-Žö-Ýšïb might not do. Crucially, Zümiža did not require them to be in direct communication with the Hyvamto-Žö-Ýšïb himself.
• Kaðmoŋ 50-82: The last laws dictate the relationships between the Ïlýrhonid Tribe and other external organizations (the Heta-Alšewharžar), which at this point in time had been relatively full-fledged. The primary aspect of these laws was to further the relaxing of previously-strict laws and customs, mainly in establishing a fully relaxed system of travel between the Ïlýrhonid Tribe and their allied Kairn Tribe. This would also link it to the Palïŋ-Lhrúuŋðarr, the trading route established in 25003 AYM, and thus to the cultures of Khërn-Švere, Ökghaaŋðarr, Lrhúuŋðarr, and select cities in the Hýyo-Wýðúr. It was through this grand operation of 'opening up' that Zümiža would hope to encourage the people to remain conscious of the real threats to survival, that being the Varhoŋïð-Khalúš Tribe.
• Kaðmoŋ 83-88: These are laws that only appear on fragmented editions of the Document, which were copied and distributed at length on hundreds of stone plates. They have been variably identified as graffiti or annotations by the readers of the document, edits made by the Alaghúl-Garhifiŋ or Zümiža himself during the reviewing process, and/or perhaps the correction of typos made during the copying of the text onto the new surface.

The Third Document forms the crux of what is called 'Zümižian governance', which has variably been defined throughout history, but mainly refers to a governance of 'penance', where drastic efforts and changes are made in direct response to a previous governmental failing.

Surviving Copies

Like all other decrees, the Three Documents of the Ultimatum were hand-copied by each member of the Council taken back to their respective Families, where they would be publically read aloud to the people. However, their immense popularity inextricably led to numerous copies being made and dispersed, such that to this day, more than 60 relatively complete copies of each of the three Documents still exist, and are held in locations all around the world. This is not simply due to the popularity, but the free emigration to and from Kairn allowed further promulgation.

The most complete copy, against which other copies are frequently checked, is the Šïróžian copy, after its owner Leb-Šïróž, who was a lay member of the Ažukhald Family. It was held in the Ïlýrhonid Tribe for the entire rest of its history, having been forgotten by his descendants. Šïróž himself was a massive collector of manuscripts, and possessed this copy between other tablets that bore the brunt of numerous calamitous events, most notably the flood that wiped out the remnants of the Tribe in 22711 AYM (and also severely damaged the copies that resided within the Gaðërïŋ-Hýša). Finally rediscovered by scavengers in 18596 AYM, it prompted a revival in Ïlýrhonidian history, which had up to then been neglected.

As of now, most of the surviving copies are held and preserved in sites deep underground and away from fault lines. For all practical purposes, one will usually rely on copies made on paper and other easier-to-carry materials.

Aftermath and Impact

All documents of the Ultimatum of 24982 AYM were widely celebrated in their time, and substantially copied and spread through the tribe. For Zümiža, it raised his popularity tremendously, which had already been very high following his leadership in the similarly dire First Ýlëntukian War, Syöwú-Iyöphl, and the departure of the Ürïstúd Family. Most importantly, it broke many precedents, not least due to its radical redefinition as per the Third Document. In addition to being written in an extremely short time and (perhaps) not even being reviewed by the Alaghúl-Garhifiŋ, the First and Second Documents especially concerned the explicit targeting of a decree towards a singular family, which was unheard of. For context, in prior eras, it was likely an unspoken rule that notions of equality in tribal citizens was rooted in the application of laws and decrees towards all 12 families in an undiscerning manner. However, given the overall trends of groundbreaking changes that occurred in prior events (e.g. Abolishment of the Kavamïŋ-Ïlýrhonid and the First Ýlëntukian War), the people mainly interpreted this as being an example of Zümiža's willingness to achieve peace through any means. Broadly, they came to understand the severity of the Crisis through the actions of Zümiža, who they were already coming to see as an aggressive and forthcoming leader.

Historical Interpretations and Legacy

Across the tribe, the Three Documents brought forth a peace of substantial peace and prosperity known as the Heta-Ýmor-Mošindë, or First Golden Age. This was a substantial, 300-year period that saw no large-scale emigrations (compared to 4 whole families in 40 years) and which was ushered in, in large part, by the societal reforms of the Third Document. These reforms had the chief aim of preventing another Crisis, but their true effect lay in legitimizing the new order and the new identity of the tribe that Zümiža had been building towards. Namely, this identity took the age-old notion of tribal unity, which had been pursued through the now-defunct Kavamïŋ-Ïlýrhonid, and reapplied it through the reinterpretation of Family. In essence, the Familial identity was greatly lessened in importance (depending only on physical location and little else) but paradoxically, the Head of the Family was given new stature and new responsibilities that were innately tied to the well-being of other families and of the entire tribe.

In regards to how effective these reforms were, this remains a source of contention. It is universally agreed that the Golden Age was at least in part due to these reforms, but one could also blame these reforms for the 24616 AYM emigration of the Bašurhúd Family that brought an abrupt end to that period. The 24616 AYM emigration had heavy consequences, as the Family left chiefly due to their mounting obligations (as a relatively prosperous Family at that time) to care for the myriad of problems that plagued the other families. When they left, it brought the entire Ïlýrhonid Tribe into a panic of instability that irrevocably damaged the Tribe's morale and interfamilial relationships, the alliance with the similar-struggling Kairn Tribe, and nearly brought an early end to the Ýlëntukian Civil War when the Second Ýlëntukian War erupted in 24610 AYM.