Varhoŋïð-Khalúš
Varhoŋïð-Khalúš, or Varonith-Callauz (literally Eastern Varonith in Illibrivroni), was a tribe primarily made up of members of the Ýlëntúk Family. For the majority of its existence, Varhoŋïð-Khalúš was a large strip of land squished between the tribes of Kairn to the east, Lrhúuŋðarr to the northeast, Hýyo-Wýðúr to the northwest, and Hýyó-Hayïd to the southwest.
Varhoŋïð-Khalúš serves as the focal point for the Ýlëntukian Civil War, during which the tribe attempted to conquer the tribes of Kairn and Ïlýrhonid, due primarily to the Ïlýrhonidian government's isolationism, which was perceived as being motivated by some malicious cause. The majority of the population of Varhoŋïð-Khalúš was made of members of the Ýlëntuk Family, who had left the Elironid tribe in 25030 AYM by sailing up the Kairn River System. It was at the fork of the Kairn River System that the Kairnian and Khalúšian ideologies were formed, leading to the split of the Family and a failed first attempt to overthrow the Ïlýrhonid government through the Ambush of Ŋópïŋ-Arún-Khërn. From then, Varhoŋïð-Khalúš would flee westward out of the Volain Forest and establish its territory by occupying nearby cities, especially Güðün and Óm-hayïd, in an attempt to find alternate paths to the Ïlýrhonid Tribe. In response, Ïlýrhonid raised up the tribes of Lrhúuŋðarr and the Maðúšýï, which constrained the Khalúšians from the north and west, respectively.
Throughout its history Varhoŋïð-Khalúš was heavily involved with the wars going on in Varonith proper. Most notably, the tribe was separated into Lienorak and Viderent during the Varonian Civil War. During this war Lienorak was conquered by Ardunioz, while Viderent was conquered by Tiamthur. After the war, Tiamthur allowed for Varhoŋïð-Khalúš to become independent again in the original territory they had occupied (excluding those conquered by Ardunioz). In 22713 AYM, Kylentum, the leader of Varhoŋïð-Khalúš at the time, signed the Pact of Aumahid with Thuulois, the ruler of Tiamthur. From then until 19962 AYM the two groups were formally grouped under one government of both Kylentum and Thuulois.
Prelude (History of the United Ýlëntuk Family)
The tribe of Varhoŋïð-Khalúš did not emerge as a distinct organization until after the Ýlëntuk Family's emigration from the Ïlýrhonid Tribe. However, the basis of the ideology that would dominate their way of life was very much emergent before this emigration.
Of all 12 families that made up the Ïlýrhonid Tribe, the Ýlëntuk Family was perhaps the most urgently in need of assistance. Occupying the slice of the territory closest to the Nuzowli Mountain Range, statistics and historical data indicate that only about 40% of their land was smooth enough to be usable as basis for houses and other public spaces, and 50-70% of that available land was deemed unsafe from any potential damage incurred from the rockslides. As such, this near-constant threat of natural disasters would give rise to a large-scale economic separation within the Family. The low-class would be forced to reside in the northern, mountainous regions, while the high-class would take up the southernmost spaces. By the time of the Arfarotï Period, this would be manifest in the presence of three distinct class groups, Low, Middle, and Upper-class, with the Hyvamto-Žö-Ýsïb, the Head of the Family, only really dealing with the governance of the Upper-class. While often considered a distinct class due to their roles after the emigration of the Family, the Middle Class, in practical terms, was not a delineated, separate class but one in which the ideals and values of both the high and low classes interacted in a gradient format.
Due to a steady migration and coalescence of vital ways of life like educational and governmental services southwards, the low-class likely had no awareness of the central Ïlýrhonid government. Thus, for much of the early years, the low class had great animosity almost entirely towards the upper-class.
Ýmor-Šïwëðo
Main Article: Ýmor-Šïwëðo
During the Ýmor-Šïwëðo period, or the first half of the Arfarotï Period, the rampant increase in natural disasters, especially rockslides, earthquakes, and floods, effectively rendered the Family dependent on aid from the central government. This aid came in the form of building supplies, food, and manpower dedicated to the removal and redistribution of rockslide debris, boulders, water, and other intrusive objects caused by these disasters. The increase in rate of disasters meant that aid had to be supplied much more often, and by the start of the Ýmor-Šapariž, public sentiment had simply realized that this amount of resource dedication was not worth it given the frequency of the disasters. However, the Family still trusted in the government to a large extent, and created for themselves an ideology revolving around their role as a 'magnet' of misfortune that would suffer in return for an increase in tribal well-being as a whole.
Ýmor-Šapariž
Main Article: Ýmor-Šapariž, Žötó-Žimiara, Ýmïlýrhonid Movement
Žötó-Žimiara
Main Articles: Ašamóš, Žaðolý, Žötó-Žimiara
The Ýmor-Šapariž, the latter part of the Arfarotï Period, was dominated by the influence of the Žötó-Žimiara. These were prominent individuals from all twelve families whose technological and cultural innovations caused a tribe-wide shift from a dependence on the central government to a feeling of self-sufficiency in one's own familial brethren.
For the Ýlëntuk Family, the two members of the Žötó-Žimiara were Žaðolý (25155 - 25090 AYM) and Ašamóš (25128 - 25035 AYM). These two held great influence in tribal culture, even in comparison to other members of the Žötó-Žimiara.
Žaðolý was one of the earliest members, and certainly the first to begin work on what would be his major contribution, that is, the road-and-pit system. This consisted of a massive stretch of trenches, placed in all available spaces between extant houses, that led from areas frequently impacted by rockslides to massive pits near the southeastern edge of the tribal land. Thus, the system served to quickly dispose of boulders and other large rocks by collecting them in these pits, whereby they could be broken down and transported to other areas for use as food. This was constructed from 25103 to 25089 AYM; Žaðolý himself was killed in an accidental fall near its completion. However, the massive efficiency this afforded the Family, and the influx in resource distribution across the tribe, effectively stirred up similarly influential advancements across the other families.
Ašamóš, in contrast, emerged later, whose work flourished around 25070 to 25050 AYM. In this time, he used debris strewn across tribal lands, typically the result of demolished houses and structures, to construct conical sculptures whose main beauty lay in each component's reliance on the others for balance and stability. Thus, in such circumstances like earthquakes, the movements of the ground would disturb the sculptures as much as any other structure, but each component would typically not move, as they were restrained by each other and could not dislodge themselves or others. This style, or Ótaš-Ašamóš, would evolve to houses and even larger structures beyond that.
In this way, Ašamóš and Žaðolý effectively addressed the two most prevalent threats to the Ýlëntuk Family, those being earthquakes and rockslides, and in doing so, they cemented the Family's transition from relying on the central government to using the talents of one's own members to improve conditions. These, however, also deepened the class-based rift in the Family; Žaðolý was resented because his boulder transport system gave control of the low-class's main economic foothold to the high-class, and Ašamóš, although reaching a level of fame akin to veneration in the low-class, was almost entirely associated with the high-class by the other families and the central Ïlýrhonid government. As such, the aftermath of the Žötó-Žimiara's influence saw the near-complete isolation between the low-class and everyone else in the entire tribe (includin the high-class of the Family), whether in terms of cultural influence, economic interactions, and, by extension, the mere acknowledgement of existence.
Kavamïŋ-Züýŋ and Nüvraŋ-Ýlëntuk
Main Articles: Kavamïŋ-Züýŋ, Nüvraŋ-Ýlëntuk
This now-deep-seeded rift was not exactly reconciled but redirected by three main events: the death of Ržüýŋ (also known as Züýŋ) in 25052 AYM, the Nüvraŋ-Ýlëntuk, or the Compromise, of 25030 AYM, and a final battering of natural disasters that rendered even Ašamóš and Žaðolý's innovations problematic. These led to the shift of attention from class-based problems to tribe-based problems, and led to the emigration of the Family, and most likely the delaying of the Family's separation until after they left.
Ržüýŋ was by far the most radical of the Žötó-Žimiara. He championed the Kavamïŋ-Züýŋ, a counter-religion against the Kavamïŋ-Ïlýrhonid, that being the stretching of rituals, especially holidays, beyond mere tactics against the Zar-Isyer-Akwor and into spiritual definitions, incorporating heavy use of moral judgement, self-determination, and a general divergence from the simplistic ideals presented in the figures of Hyvam and Vëtam. His death, which was widely speculated on, and has been even today, was often attributed to thework of the Ïlýrhonid government and the religious leaders associated with it, but this has never been confirmed. Regardless, it sent a wave of fear throughout the tribe, mostly towards the government. Specifically, it split the tribe into two camps: those that adhered to the traditional teachings of the Kavamïŋ-Ïlýrhonid, and those that switched to those of Züýŋ, called the Kavamïŋ-Züýŋ.
Regarding the Ýlëntuk Family in particular, both classes responded in just about the same way, albeit with much different rationales for doing so. The low-class saw the accusations posited in the Kavamïŋ-Züýŋ as being a crime more heinous than that of the high-class, not least because of their lack of assistance throughout all of this. The high-class became scared that the killing of a high-class individual like Rzüýŋ meant that people of similar economic status would also not be protected from that kind of fate. This latter point was based on the profound levels of freedom that had been allotted to them, partially drawn from services of the low-class. Nonetheless, all economic levels of the Family reacted to the scandal around the Kavamïŋ-Züýŋ by aligning themselves against the Ïlýrhonid government.
It was around this time that a second, and much more powerful, wave of disasters swept the tribe, lasting from 25040 to 25015 AYM. This had massive effects, especially on the Ýlëntuk Family itself. The combinations of earthquakes, rockslides, and floods effectively clogged the road-and-pit system, rendering it sluggish and effectively frozen at times, and rocks detached from mountains at such amounts and velocities that all lands of the Family were affected. Once again, powerless against the torrent, the Kavamïŋ-Züýŋ popularity fell as reliance on the central government built up. It is in this state of panic that the Nüvraŋ-Ýlëntuk was issued.
The Nüvraŋ-Ýlëntuk, translated as the Compromise with the Ýlëntuk Family, was a major document in 25030 AYM. Written in the midst of the battering of natural disasters by Anirhož, the Hyvamto-Re-Elironid, or the Head of the Ïlýrhonid government, the document essentially admitted the inability of the government to address this increase in naural disasters. This came after numerous attempts by the government to aid the Family, and records do indicate that all possible measures, at least all measures possible at the time, were taken. However, for all the attempts they made, conditions would be worsened in the territories of other families. In effect, the Nüvraŋ-Ýlëntuk was a surrender flag to nature, and was perceived as being an unofficial comdemnation of the Family due solely to the geographical location. Consequentially, popularity of Kavamïŋ-Züýŋ skyrocketed throughout the tribe, but most severely in the Ýlëntuk Family.
The Yarpalïŋ-Ýmïlýrhonid
Main Articles: Heta-Ýmor-Vëtam, Yarpalïŋ-Ýmïlýrhonid
Societal conditions stayed at this level of tension from 25030 AYM onwards. This is actually after the beginning of the Heta-Ýmor-Vëtam, the First Dark Age, whose typical start is attributed to the start of the Hayïdic Expedition, the first of the Yarpalïŋ-Ýmïlýrhonid, in 25032 AYM. A culmination of the tribe-encompassing sentiment known as the Ýmïlýrhonid Movement, the Yarpalïŋ-Ýmïlýrhonid were groundbreaking in how they effectively disproved theories and religious assertions about the outside world.
The tribe as a whole had three main factors preventing emigration: an insistence by the tribal religion, the Kavamïŋ-Ïlýrhonid, in the existence of the Zar-Isyer-Akwor, a system of legal laws preventing emigration, and, crucially, extremely little factual information regarding the outside world. These three factors needed to be broken down before emigration could be considered feasible.
Hayïdic Expedition
The Hayïdic Expedition was the first of the Yarpalïŋ-Ýmïlýrhonid, and lasted from 2 Heta-Eimarae to 11 Suta-Eimarae, 25032 AYM. Highly experimental, it was led and organized by Hayïd, who, taking advantage of the partial collapse of a section of the tribal walls, was able to coerce the government to allow him and his group to act as guards during the reconstruction. In addition, under the guise of assuring legal protection against Ïlýrhonidian law, Hayïd convinced the government to permit any ventures outside of tribal lands. This served as the first step against the legal barrier; this law allowed ventures only during the reconstruction process, but given its high casualty count, which reached 800-900 confirmed cases and 2700 further 'missing' individuals, it more so served to delay future expeditions until 25026 AYM. Being close to the Ïlýrhonid government even at this time, the high class largely trusted their narrative, while the low class, who were beginning to see no other solution than simple emigration, were erring towards that of the Expeditions.
Wýðúric Expedition
The Wýðúric Expedition was the second of the Yarpalïŋ-Ýmïlýrhonid and the first of them to venture out via the northern gate and through the Kairn River System. Using the Wëbëlup-Wýðúr, which were large poles stuck into the ground, they were able to reliably track their progress into the northern Amoŋot Desert. Only seven members died, and the success of the Expedition directly led to a large amount of emigrations, of which many were from the Ýlëntuk Family's lower class. More prevalently, however, the Expedition seemingly proved the viability of settlement outside the Tribe, which seemed to contradict the Hayïdic Expedition's large casualty count. This led many to believe that that the Zar-Isyer-Akwor, a key component of the Kavamïŋ-Ïlýrhonid and a famed devourer-species of the Ibrófeneð, was lurking that the southern reaches of the Desert. Further suspicions, especially regarding the shapeshifting aspect of the Zar-Isyer-Akwor, led to a wave of panic spreading around the tribe, thus causing a persecution and murder of many of the Hayïdic Expeditionary members and the repetition of many rituals to dispell the Zar-Isyer-Akwor. These two would constitute the Kavamïŋ-Hnúyo-Krašl, a short-lived religion within minor parts of the Tribe. Much of the high class of the Ýlëntuk believed this, and the tensions of the high and low class would reach their strongest yet in this time just after the Wýðúric Expedition. In terms of the entire tribe, however, it served to be the first instance where recountings of the Expeditionary members enticed tribespeople to the outside, thus representing the first accounts of the outside world taken at face value as true by a substantial part of the population.
Khýnýšic Expedition
In light of this, Ikheðep, a member of both previous expeditions, set out on the Khýnýšic Expedition, in which he would collect outside objects and retrieve select members from the Hýyó-Hayïd and Hýyo-Wýðúr, which the settlers from the previous two expeditions and built and were living in. There, they would then testify about the conditions in the outside to the Ïlýrhonid government. Lasting only 95 days, this journey was a major success and a turning point in the Tribe's history. It destroyed the third and last barrier towards emigration, that being the religious intimidation of the Kavamïŋ-Ïlýrhonid. As such, the Tribe would experience its biggest emigration in this time. However, for the Ýlëntuk Family, this was curiously a time of little emigration. It seems that they were planning a mass emigration of the Family as a whole, including all classes. There is no concensus as to the exact reasoning behind the unexpected cordiality between the classes during this period.
First Ýlëntukian War
Main Article: First Ýlëntukian War
Departure of the Family
The Ýlëntuk Family departed in mid-25020 AYM by traveling up the Kairn River System, at whose fork, or Ŋópïŋ-Arún-Khërn, they would settle. This area, as well as the majority of the river system, was embedded deep in the Volain Forest, from whose wood the Family would construct their houses. Judging from records at the time, specifically the Gaðërïŋ-Ýlëntuk, their way of life in the Forest was extremely peaceful, and they sustained themselves very well. This level of comfort, ironically, would become their principal source of conflict and the reason behind their split. More specifically, the comfort naturally drew comparisons to the destruction and hopeless they found in their last years in the Ïlýrhonid Tribe, and that grew into a degree of suspicion towards them. Almost all, if not all, of the Family members agreed that it was much better to live outside the Ïlýrhonid Tribe than inside it, and almost all agreed that it would be much more beneficial in the long run if they coerced the Tribe to let them out.
Split into Varhoŋïð-Khalúš and Kairn
The main difference that lead to the split was not whether the Family should help in letting the tribespeople out, but how. Some members were so resentful of their time in the Tribe, especially of incidents like the Nüvraŋ-Ýlëntuk and the treatment of the Kavamïŋ-Züýŋ, that they could not trust the Ïlýrhonidian central government to any degree. These people would call for the ousting of the government by any means necessary, which, in the months after the departure of the Family, would narrow down to the use of military/violent action. This population would constitute the tribe of Varhoŋïð-Khalúš, and this militant ideology, and its steeled targeting of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe, would dominate its existence and that of its successive tribes.
Kairn, on the other hand, was made of those that felt that military action was excessive/unnecessary. Instead, they wanted to coerce them through economic relations, particularly bartering, through which the inhabitants of the Tribe would see the gifts of the land. However, following the ideological establishment of Varhoŋïð-Khalúš, it would also come to include those that simply did not agree with the values of the Khalúšians.
Both movements were championed by a set of eloquet speakers, which together produced some of the most symbolic and persuasive literature of the era. Over 550 of these are combined into the Gaðërïŋ-Ýlëntuk, which constitutes part of the major literary and historical records of the time alongside the rest of the Gaðërïŋ-Heta-Alšëwharžar. The speakers of the Khalúšians included Ŋïdúlúŋ and Hŋýïŋïkki, who, from around 5 Ulta-Eimarae to 20 Wota-Eimarae, 25020 AYM, would coalesce the Khalúšian population and create a truly loyal group of followers.
However, both groups were not full-fledged tribes, as they had not formally split.
Ambush of Ŋópïŋ-Arún-Khërn
Main Article: Ambush of Ŋópïŋ-Arún-Khërn
The breaking point of the two groups occurred on 22 Wota-Eimarae, 25020 AYM, when, after a month-long preparation, the Khalúšians were setting off for a crucial raid into the Ïlýrhonid Tribe, whereupon they would most likely kill the governmental leaders and break down the tribal walls. However, this was intercepted by Kairnian forces, who ambushed and scattered the Khalúšians as they were getting ready. Ŋïdúlúŋ was killed alongside 40-45% of his followers, and the rest were chased out of the Forest and into either Güðün or Óm-hayïd, both of whom were taken over and its local population evicted by the Khalúšians.
History (as a separate tribe)
Reign of Hŋýïŋïkki
Main Article: Hŋýïŋïkki
Hŋýïŋïkki was the ruler, or Ðhýúŋðókk of the Khalúšians from 25020 to 24988 AYM. His reign was primarily concerned with the unity and internal stability of the tribe, all while weathering the simultaneous brunt of the tribes of Kairn, Maðúšýï, and Lrhúuŋðarr. Although the success of his efforts is mixed at best, he enjoyed a lifelong popularity with the tribe due to his steadfast resistance against the idea of surrender. Instead, he pursued a relentless, almost fanatical series of attempts to get at the Ïlýrhonid Tribe, all of whom were soundly defeated by the surrounding nations. By his death in 24988 AYM, the tribe of Varhoŋïð-Khalúš would cement its position and territory in the Amoŋot Desert, but at a great cost, both resource-wise and manpower-wise.
Territorial Formation
In the months following the Ambush, the Khalúšians would steadily explore along the edge of the Forest, attempting to find any way into the Ïlýrhonid Tribe. However, by this point, anti-Khalúšian sentiments had caused the Kairnians to swiftly erect a defense/communication system, populating the Forest with makeshift guard towns. Through this process of exploration, the Khalúšians who had fled to either city (Óm-Hayïd or Güðün) made contact, and established a line of settlements along the border with the Forest, such that by the mid-25019 AYM, the Khalúšians and Kairnians were staring into each other via their border towns. Under the influence of Hŋýïŋïkki, who became the first leader of the Khalúšians, over 20 of these such settlements were built, with some even extending westward to what was at the time uninhabitedd land.
A crucial mistake of the Khalúšians was their decision not to substantially explore or even guard the southern passage, originally taken by the Hayïdic Expedition in 25032 AYM. The passage, a straight east-west line connecting the Amoŋot Desert with the Ïlýrhonid Tribe, was most likely not considered due to the harsh weather conditions. Although these conditions are most characteristic of the Hýyó-Hayïd and the southern Desert regions, it is also present in the southern passage, which slopes downwards and relaxes in its climate as it nears the tribal walls. Nonetheless, the bad reputation of the Hayïdic Expedition, which had suffered a casualty count of over 800, combined with the harsh weather conditions, most likely scared the Khalúšians from doing so.
Establishment of the Maðúšýï
Main Article: Úrïsic Expedition, Maðúšýï
The decision not to explore the southern passage was crucial regarding the last of the Yarpalïŋ-Ýmïlýrhonid, the Úrïsic Expedition, which traversed the southern passage in late-25019 AYM to gather forces against the Khalúšians. Although ineffective in the Hýyo-Wýðúr due to their self-sustenance and isolation of the Öšdúu, the Expedition saw great success in the Hýyó-Hayïd. They were resentful and starved of resources when Óm-hayïd was taken, especially since that city was the only way to gather resources from the Volain Forest and the Nuzowli Mountain Range. Alongside giving the citizens the determination and anger to form the Maðúšýï, the Expedition would provide them with weapons, fighting skills, and the geography of the Khalúšians' territory, making them a profoundly threatening force.
The Maðúšýï would thusly enact a powerful vengeance upon the Khalúšians, especially the city of Óm-Hayïd, which became the target of at least three raids from 25019 to 25017 AYM, and a further undetermined amount from then until 25001 AYM. The Khalúšians responded by increasing their mining efforts in the northern cities and abandoning Óm-Hayïd city in favor of their border towns like Šahr-Óðlýn and Öðma-Amakoð, which thus became the new targets for the Maðúšýï, who nonetheless were forced to travel more northwards, and thus away from their own territory, to raid them. From 25016 to 25011 AYM, the Khalúšians would enact a fierce struggle with the Maðúšýï in these two towns, incurring heavy casualties on both sides. The latter would relent from 25011 to 25006 AYM, during which time the Khalúšians would tentatively resume operations in Óm-Hayïd, albeit using their more aged members only, as they were not as valuable and easily disposable, and covertly concealing their actions behind the ruins of the city. In 25006 AYM, however, the Maðúšýï resumed their raids again, decimating the population in Óm-Hayïd as well as Šahr-Óðlýn and Öðma-Amakoð.
Establishment of Lhrúuŋðarr and the Campaigns of Varhoŋïð-Khalúš
Main Article: Lrhúuŋðarr
The Tribe of Lhrúuŋðarr was established around 25019 AYM by the inhabitants of the Ðýmóš Plains and the Interbiotic Range. They were greatly influenced by the Alëhadic Expedition of 25021-25019 AYM, which explored both regions and led the local population in their mission to develop a Valley-wide trading route from the Hýyo-Wýðúr to the Plains. In doing so, over 3,000 kilometers of roads, linked by various towns, would be created, finally reaching and founding the two cities of Waðë-Vïn and Dlaýe-Vïn about 500 kilometers from their planned destination of Güðün. In late 25019 AYM, however, the Expedition was coerced back into the Ïlýrhonid Tribe by the departure and split of the Ýlëntuk Family in late 25019 AYM. Furthermore, Güðün had been taken over by the Khalúšians, and their hostility towards the Ïlýrhonid Tribe resulted in the Lhrúuŋðians instead having to decide on another city to link up with.
Meanwhile, the Khalúšians were strained by the raids of the Maðúšýï to the southwest and unable to communicate with the socially-isolated Öšdúu in the northwest. Now, they opted to attempt to sneak north and eastwards, whereupon they planned to completely circle around the Volain Forest, cross the Nuzowli Mountain Range, and be able to approach the Ïlýrhonid Tribe from the east. Setting off in 25017 AYM, they would experience fierce resistance in the two cities of Waðë-Vïn and Dlaýe-Vïn. To avoid direct confrontation, the Khalúšians would swing northward, attempting to go around the two cities and potentially wreck havoc on the Lhrúuŋðians' trade roads. However, seeing their movements, the Lhrúuŋðians intercepted them at the Battle at Ŋëvra-Vïn, so named because of the defense site the Lhrúuŋðians established there after the battle. The Khalúšians were forced to retreat back to Güðün, and this time the Lhrúuŋðians, especially knowing that the they were otherwise hemmed in from the northwest southwest, and east, attempted to get around the Khalúšians at Güðün and cut them off. They would be defeated in the outskirts of the city.
From then until 25003 AYM, the two sides were engaged in a fierce contest of one-upping each other, that is, continuously moving north, establishing cities as one went along, with the purpose of trying to get up and around the other side if they became too sluggish. Both sides were evenly matched in this regard, but the long chains of cities made each side vulnerable to attacks on each one, requiring the spreading out of forces in each and every city established during this time. For the Lhrúuŋðians, they had plenty of citizens to comfortably protect their cities, but the Khalúšians, already strained by the raids on Maðúšýï, could just barely defend them, and their situation would be rendered worse for each new city them made.
As such, in 25003 AYM, about 2,000 kilometers north of where they began this contest, the Khalúšians' manpower had become so strained that, when the Lhrúuŋðians founded the final city of Ýhöýhašúk and began their attack on the Khalúšians' last city of Ïbhaažrrt, the latter was so lightly defended that it fell within hours, and with that loss, the whole chain of Khalúšian cities would be rolled up in the ensuing months. The Lhrúuŋðians would give chase before being stopped once again by a fierce resistance at Güðün.
Victory at Šahr-Óðlýn
Among the most celebrated accomplishments of the reign of Hŋýïŋïkki was his victory at the cities of Šahr-Óðlýn and Öðma-Amakoð. These cities were small-scale towns built up north of Óm-hayïd, which by now had been reduced to rubble under the continued raids of the Maðúšýï Tribe. Initially meant as mere replacement cities, Hŋýïŋïkki saw potential in entrapping their army using the layout of the cities. In 25003 AYM, he would set that plan into motion. After a particularly nasty raid earlier that year, he would sneak a portion of his army into hiding in the rubble of Óm-Hayïd, whereupon they would discreetly live off the sustenance still remaining there, particularly the rubble itself. As far as the records are concerned, these hidden components of the Khalúšian army were not detected by the Maðúšýï.
In the following raid on Šahr-Óðlýn and Öðma-Amakoð in 25001 AYM, the hidden units sprang out of the city of Óm-Hayïd and, combined with army components from behind the cities of Šahr-Óðlýn and Öðma-Amakoð, surrounded the Maðúšýï. In the ensuing chaos that followed, around 1,200 of the Maðúšïans were killed, including the king and raid leader, Gýbakk. This was the first great victory for the Khalúšians, and represented a crucial moment during which the tribe was preserved. Had they been defeated, the Khalúšians would likely have been entirely conquered by 24990 AYM. However, the sheer casualties they suffered, which totaled around 600, prevented them from making any other gains during the following years.
Final Days
Following the defeat in the Northern Campaigns and the victory at Šahr-Óðlýn and Öðma-Amakoð, the tribe of Varhoŋïð-Khalúš went into a brief lull phase from 25000 to 24980 AYM. These last years of Hŋýïŋïkki were marked by a gradual decline in his own mental well-being. For an individual whose tribe's ideological mission rested on his shoulders, it is most likely that the pressure and shame of these defeats caused his mental faculties to gradually wilt away. It is not to say that the tribe as a whole stayed in a similarly static state. Rather, small-scale conflicts would build up on the border between it and the Kairnians, and, to the former's detriment, the Maðúšýï were astoundingly fast to recover after their defeat, thus restarting their routine raids around 24998 AYM. Being continually belittled by raids on its southern towns, the Khalúšians would not make any progress eastward into the Volain Forest. Simultaneously, since they were so intent on this mission, they did not make any progress westward as well.
Reign of Gršaŋvšaŋžl
Main Article: Gršáŋvšaŋžl
Gršaŋvšaŋžl was the second Ðhýúŋðókk, and reigned from
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