Ýlëntuk Family

The Ýlëntuk, or Ylaeintugh, Family was one of the 12 families of the Ïlýrhonid tribe and the first to depart from the tribe in 25020 AYM. They created the tribes of Varhoŋïð-Khalúš and Kairn, the first such organized groups outside of the Ïlýrhonid Tribe, and were responsible for much of the early conflicts in the Blýfónic Valley. These two tribes are notorious for a nearly-2000 year-long conflict called the Ýlëntukian Civil War, which ended when the Khalúšians' successor tribe of Viderent invaded and defeated the Ïlýrhonid and Kairn tribes in 22711 AYM. Following this, Kairn would reform under the new tribe of Hymlona, which is when the Family's genealogical history trickles to a halt.

The name "Ylaeintugh" is most likely Eldrond in origin. However, there are no surviving words or phenomes that bear any resemblance to the name.

Üpal

The Ýlëntuk Family and its descendents are known for possessing red marks in the Üpal. These marks vary heavily in shape and the exact hue from individual to individual. However, if someone is a mix between two or more families, the Ýlëntukian mark will curiously angle itself away from the others, almost never touching the marks of the other families.

History

The Ýlëntuk Family in the Ïlýrhonid Tribe

Like all other families in the Elironid tribe, the Ylaeintugh family occupied a designated slice of the property, and the head of the family represented them in the Council of Law. Their designated slice was one of the northernmost; it and the Bašurhúd Family occupied the northernmost slices, and the Khërn River acted as the boundary between them. Of the 12, the Ýlëntukian slice was by far the most rugged; the Nužóli Mountain Range was said to be at its greatest width in the Ýlëntukian slice, extending about 25 meters more southward than in the Bašurhúd, and even then, the rugged terrain of the mountains left about 60% of the land hilly, jagged, and earthquake-prone.

By the time of the Arfarotï period, the Ýlëntukian Family was separated into areas of high, midde, and low-class. These classess became poorer the more north you went along their territory; the northernmost edges were much more rocky and extremely vulnerable to rockslides from the Nuzowli Mountain Range. Comparatively, the high-class resided very far away from the mountain range. While a typical rockslide could be expected to result in at least 30 deaths in the low-class area, the rocks and debris would become deflected or broken down so much during its journey that the only indication felt by the high-class would be a slight rumble in the earth. From the extremely common rate at which rockslides were happening in this period, other such vital assets of their lifestyle, like architecture, cultural stability, and education simultaneously disappeared from the northern portions of the familial land.

It is also around this time that the use of names started to become highly aligned with the idea of class. This was motivated by the gradual coalescing of educational and cultural institutions at the southern tip of the territory; They were the ones using the traditional and cultural history of the Family to make meaningful names, and it was only in the occasional visits to the poverty-striken northern half that the middle and low-class would hear of these names and values. To differentiate themselves from the high-class, they would combine and jumble these names up to create their own names made of repetitive phomenes. As such, one could look merely at the names of individuals to see whether they were high-class (short, 1-3 phoneme names), middle-class (twice or thrice repetitions, 4-7 phonemes), low-class (as much as 5 repetitions and 10 phonemes). This can be seen, respectively, in the following: high-class (Žaðolý), middle-class (Löðkúlhöð), low-class (Ïýylŋhýyl, Ðýbŋüšýl).

Despite the grand difference in economic prosperity, all three classes were in relatively good relations during the Ýmor-Šïwëðo, or the first half of the Arfarotï Period. The low and middle classes' means of staying connected to the high-class consisted of the transport of fallen boulders southward, thus establishing a stable economy even through the pain. For a time, the Ýlëntukians were proud of their designated land; over the years, they developed a culture that was extremely spartan. After numerous rockslides, it is said, the paths of destruction carved by the debris simply became the new roads, and later additions created strategically-placed pits where rocks would be funneled towards. Thus, unlike the systems of other families, the roads all seemed to radiate from the mountains themselves rather than the center of the tribe.

Žötó-Žimiara

Strangely, the downfall of this stable ecosystem seems to have come to with the rise of the Žötó-Žimiara. Contrary to the glamour typically associated with them, the Ýlëntuk Family's representatives, Ašamóš and Žaðolý, only managed to widen the rift between the three classes. This is not to say that their innovations were entirely detrimental; they most certainly were, but they brought prosperity only to the high-class and rendered the low-class in more dire straits than they had ever been.

Žaðolý lived earlier than Ašamóš, dying in 25090 AYM, but he is largely credited with creating the road and pit system described earlier. He held massive power and influence as the Head of the Family. In addition, he shored up the residential lands by reinforcing them with earth and stone, creating an island-like organization of houses surrounded by tracked depressions to guide the rocks into one of 15 different pits. In many respects he was responsible for setting the cultural standard for the Ýlëntuk Family, as these road-and-pit systems served to further divide the Family and precipitate the future separation into Varhoŋïð-Khalúš and Kairn. While inarguably beneficial in terms of safety and tribe-wide economy, they also caused the low-class to feel cheated. For many years their main means of staying in the minds of the high-class was the repurposing of the debris and boulders from the rockslides, despite however many people these also killed. To have the systems automatically give the boulders to the high-class, and leave them in total control of the transactions regarding them, it was nearly inevitable that the low and high-classes would grow apart from 25100 to 25060 AYM.

Ašamóš (25128-25035 AYM) is perhaps the more well-known of the two, reaching an almost-legendary status repurposing earthquake debris to make public sculptures. His sculptures were placed on circular platforms in the middle of the roads, some specifically built with paddles and sticks intended for the rocks to interact with as they rolled by. However, the most influential aspect of his work was its stability. His works are purported to have survived over 50 individual earthquakes throughout their history, and about 5 near-complete works, as well as 15 large fragments, survive today. Among the Ýlëntuk Family and beyond, this stability created a small cultural revival among the Ïlýrhonid; over 5,000 structures, including the Aizu-Re-Garifiln, the capital of the Ïlýrhonid, were rebuilt in 25038 AYM following a so-called 'Ašamóšïŋ', or Ótaš-Ašamóš, design.

The main reason behind Ašamóš's fame, however, is his impact on the low-class. His innovations proved that the low-class had the potential not only for vibrant self-expression, but also for tangible and cultural impact outside the Family. However, this glory was short-lived; despite the low-class being most responsible for propagating the Ótaš-Ašamóš, the identity of the Family was still heavily tied to the high-class. As such, it paradoxically led to the further ignorance of the low-class, and the further separation between the low and high-classes.

Kavamïŋ-Žüýŋ and the Nüvraŋ-Ýlëntuk

Starting around 25050 AYM, Rzüýŋ, a very influential member of the Žötó-Žimiara and the only such one from the Farïnýð Family, created a counter-religion called the Kavamïŋ-Züýŋ. In it he accused the central government of using the Kavamïŋ-Ïlýrhonid, the state religion, to keep the populace under their control. Focusing much less on overt spirituality or mythology, it dealt mostly with forming hypotheses on why the government would do such a thing. Despite most of these theories being false, it raised suspicions across the entire tribe, and drew both support and criticism as each family grappled individually with the ramifications it implied. This would be worsened in 25044 AYM when Rzüýŋ died under mysterious circumstances.

For the Ýlëntuk Family, it drew what was possibly the most suspicion towards the central government, and the class problem faded into the background. For the low-class, many of whom were not even aware of the government's existence, this represented yet another authority figure intent on stealing their lifestyle. For the high-class, they became worried that, with the death of Rzüýŋ, other high-profile figures may be turned upon at any moment.

Around 25045 AYM was also the beginning of the second period of natural disasters, which bombarded the tribe at rates previously unheard of. In these dire circumstances, the massive earthquakes caused vibrations in the mountain range so powerful that rockslides began to occur in places and amounts far from what Žaðolý actually predicted. Thus, massive casualties erupted once again, and the effects were so terrible that both Žaðolý and Ašamóš's contributions were rendered sluggish and often times totally ineffective. In fact, the high-class even suffered large amounts of damage and casualties of their own. Once again, the Family looked up to the Ïlýrhonidian government to solve their plights, but the natural disasters were so strong throughout the tribe that any attempted improvements to the other families' plight caused the state of the Ýlëntuk Family to further deteriorate, and vice versa.

Thus, in 25035 AYM, Anirhož, the Hyvamto-Rhïlýrhonid, issued the Nüvraŋ-Ýlëntuk to the Ýlëntuk Family. This private letter admitted that, in light of these complications, the Ïlýrhonid Tribe could not feasibly sustain the Family while doing the same to all others. For many, this was the final straw, and discussions arose within the Family about a potential mass emigration from the Tribe.

Prelude: Šókhekic Expedition

The Šókhekic Expedition of 25021-19 AYM is part of the fourth Yarpalïŋ-Ýmïlýrhonid alongside the Alëhadic Expedition. These Expeditions were sponsored by the Ïlýrhonid Tribe and represent the first such large-scale ventures in at least 500 years.

In the context of the Ýlëntuk Family's history, particular emphasis is given to this expedition above all others due to the actions of Šókhekka. Although some members of all classes embarked on the previous three expeditions, serious plans for family-wide emigration occurred only after the immense success of the Šókhekic Expedition's immediate predecessor, the Khýnýšic Expedition of 25025 AYM.

It is widely believed that Šókhekka, the leader of the expedition, proposed the plan to the central government as a means of gathering information about the outside world prior to the departure of the Family. This would be disguised as a favor to the government by documenting the geopolitical situations of the outside world, as the tribe was by then considering establishing diplomatic and economic relations with them.

What resulted is the Gaðërïŋ-Šókhekka, a massive treatise on the Hýyo-Wýðúr and Hýyó-Hayïd collections of cities. In addition, the Expedition would dig and establish a series of roads stretch between the various cities. For the Hýyó-Wýðúr, these roads would be neglected in favor of the creation of the Öšdúu, but in the Hýyó-Hayïd, these were used to great effect, and the improved relations between them and the Ïlýrhonid precipitated the succeeding Úrïsic Expedition's influence and establishment of the Maðúšýï in that region.

Šókhekka would, in the closing days of the Expedition, copy down the Gaðërïŋ-Šókhekka on separate tablets. As the Expedition was making their way back to the Ïlýrhonid Tribe with the original copy, Šókhekka would slightly diverge into the Volain Forest, where the newly-formed Khalúšians, who were still shaken from the Ambush of Ŋópïŋ-Arún-Khërn, ambushed and killed Šókhekka in the outskirts of their territory. The Khalúšians would thus take and use the Gaðërïŋ-Šókhekka for their own purposes.

Departure from the Ïlýrhonid Tribe

In mid-25020 AYM (between Anta and Suta-EImarae), the Ýlëntuk Family left en masse while the Šókhekic Expedition was still outside the tribe. The exact motive for this is not certain, and it remains one of the key mysteries of this time period as to why they left at this specific time. Judging from estimates in the Žötó-Ïdhatón, the population of the family at this time was around 5,000.

The family would leave by sailing upstream the Kairn River System and coming to a stop at the fork, or the Ŋópïŋ-Arún-Khërn. At this junction, the Family would settle en masse and forage for resources in the surrounding Volain Forest. They would mainly get food and sustenance from the pebbles and other small rocks along the riverbank. Compared to life in the Ïlýrhonid Tribe, the concensus was that life outside it was much better, and it is this difference in lifestyle that ironically caused the split into Kairn and Varhoŋïð-Khalúš.

Split into Varhoŋïð-Khalúš and Kairn

Because life outside the tribe was so much better for the Ýlëntuk Family, they almost universally agreed that they should convince the rest of the families to leave as well. The alternative, according to them, would be the continuation of the many deadly threats that had terrorized the tribe in the Ýmor-Šapariž. The disagreement lay in how one was supposed to convince them. The Khalúšians, composed mainly of the low-class, did not at all trust the Ïlýrhonidian government, turned to the possibility of military action to oust the government. The Kairnians, composed of the high class, still harbored feelings of distrust towards the government but preferred to persuade the populace to leave by establishing trade relations with the government and exposing them to the new and exotic resources that lie outside the tribe. Of course, this class distinction was not nearly as clear-cut as it seems; it simply came down to the perception each individual had of the government and what they considered as an adequate means of helping the people based on this perception.

However, the leaders of both tribes, which composed the figures of Ŋïdúlúŋ and Hŋýïŋïkki for the Khalúšians and Múýhörhat and Löðkúlhöð for the Kairnians, were almost always middle-class. Their main advantage came from the fact that they witnessed both sides and the rift that formed between them, thus making them much more able to address the counter-arguments of the other side. For the low-class, the middle-class also possessed enough education to be able to write prolifically and truly emulate the role of an orator. It is indeed with these two roles, as writer and speech-giver, that the leaders would coalesce the populace of their respective sides from disparate feelings into motivated, organized groups with single, specific goals. In doing so, they would write a total of around 550 speeches, letters, and other texts, which have been compiled by the two figures of Ïýylŋhýyl and Ðýbŋüšýl into the Gaðërïŋ-Šókhekka. This remains one of, if not the, largest collections of records in the Gaðërïŋ-Heta-Alšëwharžar.

Reforms of Kylentum and Fall of Kairn

In 22752 AYM, Kylentum became the head of Varonith-Callauz. By this time, the Matousai, the bandit group that had carried out long swaths of raids, had reformed into Tiamthur, a formidable nation-state and the first of the Nota-Eimarae. For Varonith-Callauz, this was bad news; because of years and years of skirmishes and the devoid nature of the land that the Varonith-Callauzians inhabited, the Family had never grown much technologically and culturally, and were still deeply rooted in their primitive, war-crazed lifestyle. Kylentum looked to introduce sweeping reforms via a 3-part plan.

First, he introduced a Pact in 22713 AYM with the neighboring tribe of Tiamthur, who, true to their Matousian roots, had always kept away from the Family. This Pact, called the Pact of Aumahid, joined the tribes of Tiamthur and Varonith-Callauz into one tribe. Then, the two countries conquered Kairn in 22699 AYM. Their third and final part of their plan was to subdue the Elironid Tribe, but by this time the tribe had been decimated by a flash flood and was now completely devoid of Ibrovinids. Kairn was reduced to a lowly bubble situated deep in the Volain Forest, which became Hymlona in 22699 AYM.