Khanate Of Qadjik

During the Deluge, the Centaur race would be faced with not a Reconquest, but a Great Struggle. The Humans, high on a millennia of hatred, would seek to end the Centaur race once and for all, but the people of the steppe would not ever allow this. The hordes of Mankind were sent back over the Aurelia, and under threat of being cowed by a Triple Alliance of Centaurs, Gnomes, and Vampires, they would cede the Transaurelia and evacuate the colonist population from it. The Great Struggle was over, and now the dirty business of nation-building could be started. The Charter Of Citizen's Rights And Governmental Privilege, whose authoring would be the first step in this, begins by outlining every Qadjiki citizen's basic and inalienable rights. These include the rights of equality before the law, property, protection against unjust imprisonment, a speedy trial, speech, assembly, association, petition, and that of bearing arms. However, controversially, the constitution also places restrictions on movement. A Centaur must live within the lands of the Host that either their father or husband hails from, and while temporary residence is permitted, permanent settlement is illegal. The Charter also enforces preventative measures against land monopolies, stating that a single citizen or company can only own, at the most, 200 acres of farmland. To end off that section, the rights of all male Centaurs over the age of 23 to suffrage through secret ballot are enshrined.   After the Bill of Rights is laid out, the Charter covers the incredibly unique structure of Qadjiki government. The status of the Qadjiki monarchy had long been a hot topic within the Erkin Xandıq Qoğamı (Free Khanate Society), the nation's Revolutionary Party. With the exception of a very vocal faction of "Crowned Republicans" (those who desire an entirely ceremonial monarchy), all agreed that the Khan and his parliament must share power, as the nation must have a strong sovereign to stand up against foreign aggression and any internal divisions that might arise. However, the exact extent of monarchal powers was up to debate, and as those Revolutionary Parties of the Pre-Upheaval world were always forced to do, a compromise was made and the Khanate was to become a Semi-Constitutional Monarchy. The Khan of the Qadjiki is the executive of the federal government, and upon his death, his crown will not pass to his son, but rather to the Ataman of the Host next in the Succession Cycle that runs as follows: Tasuy, Segati, Anuran, Kenalan, Jagasi. As the country's executive, the Khan's powers are wide, but he is still constrained by the Kurultay (the country's elected parliament). These powers include that of declaring war and signing treaties (although both also need a simple majority vote of parliamentary approval), representing the Khanate abroad and at home, approving the appointment of and accepting the resignation of not only the Vizier (Prime Minister) but his entire Cabinet, serving as the military's Commander-in-Chief, calling special sessions of the Kurultay, submitting decrees on matters of needed debate within the Kurultay, having a tie-breaking vote within the Kurultay, and appointing an MP to be the Speaker of the Kurultay (a member of the legislature chosen to keep order within its halls and stay neutral during the length of his term, regardless of his prior political alignment). The Khan's loftiest powers include that of dissolving the Kurultay, therefore calling new elections, and of royal assent, though. The latter gives the Khan the semi-final say on all legislation passed in the Kurultay, which he can either sign off on or veto. However, if the Kurultay passes the bill again, this time with a two-thirds majority, it passes with or without his signature, and the Khan can only dissolve the Kurultay once every ten years. The current Khan is Kapan Xan the Sportsman, a young man who served as the Jagasi Ataman for only a few months before his ascension to Khan. Outwardly, he is entirely unconcerned with politics, preferring to hunt and play croquet. However, he is an incredibly shrewd politician who has, thus far, masterfully manipulated the Kuraltay to maintain a balance of power between the monarchy and the legislature, as well as to advance his own agenda of turning the wide, empty steppe into a land of industrial power that can challenge any other nation on the continent.   Of course, the nation is a Semi-Constitutional Monarchy, not an absolute one. Legislative power is vested in the hands of the Kurultay, a unicameral parliament made of 100 MPs (20 from each Host) elected from electoral districts via a first-past-the-post system. The Kurultay has total legislative authority in the nation and can legislate for anything not expressly banned by the constitution or put into the hands of another part of the government. Legislation passed by the Kurultay takes primacy over anything passed on the federal level, meaning that if there are any conflicts, the dictate of the Kurultay wins out. Furthermore, the Kurultay shares the powers of declaring war and signing treaties with the Khan. If the Khan wants to declare war or accept a treaty, he must get parliamentary approval, and if the Kurultay wishes to do the same, the Khan must approve their action. They can also hold a motion of no confidence against the government, and if it passes by a two-thirds majority, said government must resign and fresh elections are called.   After the quinquennial election, the Kurultay must form a government and with it, appoint a Vizier to serve as the Head of Government. As stated before, the Vizier and his chosen Cabinet must be approved by the Khan. His powers include those of chairing and organizing his Cabinet, creating the yearly budget (which then must be voted through by the Kurultay), and being able to create, merge, abolish and transfer authority between government departments without the approval of the Kurultay or the Khan. Furthermore, as the Vizier is very often influential in his own party, and thereby, often in more minor parties, he holds a great deal of influence over the goings-on of the legislature and can of course use his singular vote within it. The current Vizier is Dias-Almasov the "Fair", the leader of a National Club minority government that just managed to squeeze out the last election. A known moderate, he is expected to continue industrialization policies while cooperating with the right-wing of the Kurultay to continue subsidizing agriculture.   A Supreme Court, known as the Supreme Court Of The Khan, presides over issues pertaining to the constitution and nothing else. A council of 5 High Judges, one from each Host, is appointed by the Khan to preside over issues of constitutional legality. If a bill is passed or the Khan does something that may be considered unconstitutional, the High Judges will review the case and give a ruling. If whatever is under review is determined to be unconstitutional, it is stricken from law.   The Khanate is not a unitary nation, though, it is a Federal Monarchy. The nation is divided into five Hosts, all with their roots in Centaur history and culture: Tasuy, Segati, Kenalan, Anuran, and Jagasi, each with their own monarch, who is known as the Ataman. Just as the Khan heads the national executive, the Ataman heads the executive of his Host. The Khan of the nation will also serve as the Ataman of his Host during his term. It is the job of the Ataman to appoint judges and other officials of importance within his Host, draft the Host's budget, represent his Host within the nation at large, and either approve or veto the bills passed by his Host's legislature (known as the General Council). While the General Council cannot overturn the veto of an Ataman, it has to vote on his budget. The General Council of a Host can also implement taxes on the citizenry within its borders, formulate public works projects in collaboration with impacted Tribal Territories, and establish laws within the Host's territory, providing that these laws do not conflict with those passed on the national level. The various General Councils of the Khanate are also required to elect a "Vali" to serve as a line of communication between the Ataman and the Council and to formulate the Host's bureaucracy through appointing and chairing his cabinet. There is also a Host-level court system known as the General Court, its main purpose being that of hearing appeals from Tribal courts. It is the highest a criminal appeal can go if it is not related to constitutional law.   Each Host is further divided into dozens and dozens of Tribal Territories which form the local governments of the nation and which draw their lineage all the way back to where the nomadic Centaur tribes who roamed the interior of Sahul prior to the Steppe Crusade settled down under Imperial rule. Prior to the Great Struggle, Tribal Territories were ruled over by the Otamen, a class of nobles, but their land would be seized during it and their titles abolished thereafter to democratize the nation and ensure national unity. The citizens of a Tribal Territory will elect a "Tribal Assembly" to collectively oversee the locality and tend to the public utilities, Tribal level-courts, and hospitals within it. The citizenry will also elect the sheriff of the Tribal Territory.

The Khanate of Qadjik is contained entirely within the Great Steppe, a sweeping ocean of gentle hills and prairie grass closed in by mountains to the West and the River Aurelia to the East. This steppe was the best thing the ancient Centaurs (who were nomadic unicorn herders) could ask for, but its wide plains were an open door for invasion. First came the Empire of Aurelia, and while they did not pierce too deep, the cut they left served as an unheard warning. Then came the Trinitists, bent on conversion and conquest, who would unite under one banner after breaking the legs of the Centaur race. Now, though, the steppe is Centaur, and Centaur it will remain.   As mentioned before, five Hosts make up the Khanate: Tasuy, Segati, Anuran, Kenalan, and Jagasi. Their landscapes are all, much like the Great Steppe as a whole, uniform, there being little else but grass and wheat to be seen. While all Centaurs identify far more deeply with their race and country than they do with their Host, pride in one's Host is the norm, and slight cultural differences are noted. As the Charter Of Citizen's Rights And Governmental Privilege dictates, the capital of the Khanate will move alongside the succession cycle, meaning that as of current, the national capital is the Jagasi Host's capital of Seligbasi. The only other major cities of Qadjik are capitals as well: Nusamadeni for Tasuy, Marmandira for Segati, Kemendik for Anuran, and Sebikoyunlu for Kenalan. Centaur cities are famous for their incredibly wide streets made not of stone but of turf, and their incredibly wide, but one-storied, buildings. Qadjik has, like most democratic nations, fairly spotty labor laws. The chaotic nature of the Kurultay has made it so that reforms of that sort are quite difficult to pass, although a low minimum wage, a small government pension for disability and retirement, a ban on child labor, days off, and a right to join unions and strike are all in place. These make life for industrial workers in Qadjik's ever-growing urban centers bearable, but not good.   Even as industrialization sweeps across the Steppe, most Centaurs still live as farmers. Prior to the Deluge, they would, like all other Imperial farmers, be sharecroppers under contract with the local noble. However, during the conflict, this would change rapidly. Due to the "needs of the war" Abruy Xan the "Great Uniter" (the founding Khan of the nation) would sign a decree that requisitioned the land of the Otamans into his own hands under the guise of streamlining the war economy. At this point in time, the Otamans had no reason to not trust the Khan and fully expected to be given their land back. They were decidedly wrong. At the end of the war, local nobility within the Khanate was swiftly and near painlessly abolished and their land would be redistributed to those who work it. To this day, both yeomen and co-operatives (in cooperation with trading companies) form half of the massive Qadjiki agricultural sector's backbone through the proliferation of wheat, soybeans, and corn throughout the sea of grass. The other half of this sturdy backbone is made up of ranchers. Long gone are the days of cattle drives across the Great Steppe, as most who raise unicorns and ostriches now raise them within their allotted 200 acres, tied in with barbed wire. Farmers of all stripes have been able to prosper due to the Great Uniter's land reform, having higher standards of living than those in neighboring Dyffryu because of the aforementioned reforms. Ranchers live especially well, as the Great Steppe is far and away the best place to raise unicorns, thereby making it very profitable for those who get good at it.   However, not all Post-Deluge actions have been as popular as the Khan's Land Reform. As stated before, freedom of movement within the Khanate is constitutionally restricted so as to preserve the heritage of the Hosts and their autonomy under the Khan. Likewise, as stated before, the Khanate would be ceded one-third of Tellus' territory following the Deluge, promising free land to anyone who would come in after the Humans were all deported. "Anyone" did not mean anyone, though. The Host that historically owned the land would be given it back, meaning that only the Tasuy, Kenalan, and Jagasi Hosts benefitted territorially, further meaning that only their citizens could settle the new land. However, the latter two Hosts would not gain nearly as much as the Tasuy Host would, which near doubled in size. Angered by this, the people of the other four Hosts would break out into protests as the Tasuy Ataman integrated his new land, but the constitutional provision still has not been amended. It is still a hot topic in Qadjiki politics, especially due to the fact the new lands of Tasuy are incredibly underpopulated due to the nation's internal immigration ban, with not much else but legions of decaying Human houses and sporadically placed Centaur ranches dotting the area. It is also the only area of Qadjik with a coast, though no major ports have propped up on it yet due to the region's very low population. As such, most of the Khanate's goods are exported via the River Aurelia, or secondly, ports in Dyffryu and Meridie.

As the Khanate is under constant threat from neighboring Tellus, a strong military is needed to deter any unwanted advancements. This comes in the form of the Qadjiki Armed Horde, a force that has its origins in the various nationalist militias of the Pre-Deluge world which would then be modernized and organized by Zhanbolat-Timourov the "Greatest of Warriors", the Minister of War under Assyl-Rasulov the "Hero" and the nation's third Vizier. However, the biology of the race raises some issues. While they are incredibly fast, and foreign troops perform poorly within Centaur urban spaces, Centaurs struggle in the tighter areas built by other races.   To this end, they cooperate deeply with Dyffryu's military, known as High Highness' Armed Forces, to negate or at least lessen the natural disadvantages each race has. Soldiers of His Highness' Army primarily man the trenches on the border with Tellus, as well as the lines of artillery guns, while the Qadjiki train in shock troop and cavalry tactics on the open steppe. Due to this, the Armed Horde's doctrine is one of defense, as while they would not fare well in Tellus, the Humans would be at the mercy of their highly mobile force if they ever dared to cross the Aurelia. Furthermore, Centaurs can also carry much more than Men can, making them excellent medics and combat logistics troopers. Some Centaurs have been specially trained to carry big-game guns into combat, as while these clunky firearms would be useless in the hands of all other soldiers, they are nothing for these Centaur specialists who can use the massive rounds in their guns to obliterate enemy armor.

During the days of the Ancient Empire, Qadjik was jokingly referred to as the "Great Imperial Junction". Due to its central position on the continent, dozens and dozens of railroads crossed and do cross the Steppe. Most Centaurs are never too far from a railroad, with their upkeep being a high priority for the government. After the demolition of those going across the border of Tellus, a greater emphasis was placed on those heading into Meridie through the Arys Mountains, a previously under-connected area. The cities of Qadjik have been electrified, although as with in Dyffryu, these grids are smaller and only just penetrate into the countryside. Speaking of the countryside, agricultural mechanization has begun to creep in day by day. Special traction engines made for Centaurs have proven quite popular, though it will be a while until the country's crown jewel is totally modernized.    However, the nation is notable for having very good public amenities in rural areas, even surpassing Meridie in this, with country roads, hospitals, and schools being all up to snuff. This is partially because a massive majority of Centaurs live in rural areas, but also due to a real amount of care the government has for its citizens.

The Temples of the Common Faith make up the nation's official religion, although the Khanate does not recognize any one sect as the state's preference. Be this as it may, a majority of the Khanate belongs to the Temple of Integration, though the Tasuy Host is dominated by the Temple of Lumination, and communities of those who follow more niche sects and even Orienal Temple-Creeds can be found.

The Khanate of Qadjik is second only to the Sylvan Empire in terms of agricultural production, a trait which has earned it many friends. Its steppe was the breadbasket of the Ancient Empire, and as it was in the days before the Imperial Depression, Qadjiki grain can be found worldwide. All, except one, respect the Khanate's territorial sovereignty and trade with it, the most common deal being that of industrial supply and raw material in return for Qadjik's agricultural products. Meridie has always been an especially close partner due to the countries shared democratic systems and the Commonwealth's timely intervention during Tellus' attempted genocide, with the two often doing military drills together.  However, due to the on-off rule of the National Party, Qadjik and Meridie do not have the same no-tariff agreement that the latter country and Dyffryu have.   Speaking of Dyffryu, the Aethland is far and away the Khanate's closest companion and ally. Commonly known together as the Sister Monarchies, the history of the two countries and the two races are forever intertwined. They have fought and bled together for a millennia, and now that they are free, they shall not abandon the other. Dyffryu and Qadjik are tied together through the "Spring Coalition" the world's only military alliance, and due to their racial characteristics, the armed forces of Dyffryu and Qadjik are more like one unit than two. While the two countries do not have a no-tariff agreement, they will frequently cooperate on infrastructure projects, although there is a singular blot: Dyffryu's insistence on trading with Tellus. However, in a world of racial hatred, the Gnomes and Centaurs have nothing but respect and love for the other, and if war comes to knock once more, they will not even stop to think before jumping to the other's aid.   It is likely that this aid will come soon. Since the Great Struggle and Mankind's attempted genocide of the Centaur race that turned a glorious revolution into a fight for survival, the Kingdom of Tellus and the Khanate of Qadjik have looked at one another with seething hatred. As punishment for their attempts at genocide, Tellus would be forced to cede the Transaurelia (a historic Centaur region) to Qadjik and limit its army size dramatically. This has sparked a revanchist fire in the heart of the Human race, stoked by their authoritarian government, that will only end in conflict. Qadjik and Tellus refuse to trade with one another, the important railbridges that once crossed the Aurelia now resting at the bottom of the river after both nations began programs of demolition. The banks of the River Aurelia, once pristine, are now scarred by lines of trenches, pillboxes, and fortresses that stare past the steamboats that travel upriver and instead glare at the other side of the bank, for if not today, and if not tomorrow, the Humans will march the day after.

Qadjiki democracy is known for being incredibly chaotic due to their independent culture, which bleeds into the Kurultay. Of course, while the Khan and the Atamans (who are hereditary monarchs) have a great deal of power, Qadjik is commonly considered to be a fairly good example of a democracy, although critics both foreign and internal have long questioned the wisdom in this balance between monarchical and parliamentary power. Many different parties call the Kurultay their home, many of which constantly die out and then reform, but there are still two premier parties that hold much of the power.   The more right-wing of these is the Federalïster Klwb (Federalist Club). It descends from the right-wing of the EXQ, and as such, it fully supports the currently implemented constitution. Federalists tend to be vocal supporters of not just monarchical power, which they see as a unifying and peace-keeping influence over Centaur society, but also that of the devolution of powers through which they get their name. While not inherently opposed to industrialization, the Federalist Club firmly believes that Qadjik will never need to become an industrial power, and must instead take advantage of free trade and laissez-faire capitalism to exchange their valuable crops and cattle for foreign industry. To keep Qadjiki agricultural on top, though, the Federalists have long been vocal supporters of agricultural subsidies. Federalists also support removing the tariffs that have been put up by its rivals, although this mission has not succeeded even when they have had the reigns of government. The Club has near-complete political control over the Tasuy Host, which benefits from its Pro-Constitution ideology, as well as ranchers. Obviously, many farmers throughout the nation who practice both yeomanry and co-operatism also help to form this Right-Civicist party's strong core of conservative, agrarian voters.   However, the Federalist Club is not the only rightist party in the Kurultay. Other, smaller, right-wing parties include the Monarxïyalıq Mïtïng (Monarchist Rally), whose sole purpose is the maintaining of royal power, the Agrarlıq Klwb (Agrarian Club), which opposes the Left-Civicist business class and supports bimetallism, and the Qonıstanwşılar Tobı (Settler's Group), an interest party of those who have settled the new lands of Tasuy and who seek both to defend their interests and amend the Constitution to raise the land ownership limit.   The current ruling party and biggest opponent of Right-Civicism in the Kurultay is the Ulttıq Klwb (National Club). Founded by Zhanbolat-Timourov the "Greatest of Warriors" (a founding that prompted the split in the EXQ), it is a Left-Civicist party, strange in that it also has quite a bit of rural support. Like the Democratic Club in Dyffryu, its policies spring from a shaky alliance of the country's working poor and merchant class who are united under the cause of opposing heavy-handed agrarianism and instituting tripartism. As such, the Nationals support continued policies of industrialization through governmental support to industrialists and capitalists as well as tariffs that ensure Qadjiki companies are on top within Qadjik. This alliance has also ensured that the National Club supports further protections on the urban poor through policies of raising the minimum wage, increasing and expanding pensions, and increasing workplace safety. As for the rural folk, the National Club has been forced to appeal to them as well. This is done by supporting the mass production of easily affordable and government-distributed (though not produced) traction engines, funding expansive rural infrastructure projects, and most notably, wanting to make it so that any Qadjiki citizen can move to the land that was ceded from Tellus (although the specifics differ from member to member). The Nationals are also notable for supporting a gigantic military budget, as well as desiring to limit powers of Royal Assent and narrow the legislative powers of the Hosts in the name of national unity. All of this together has made the party dominant in urban areas and lands around railroads, with the Nationals also being quite a large force in the Anuran and Segati Hosts, who did not gain anything from the cession.   There are, however, other left-wing parties within the Kurultay. Some of these are the Popwlïstik Klwb (Populist Club), a part that supports the establishment of a Qadjiki Republic (and is the largest third-party), the Patrïottıq Odaq (Patriotic Union), a party that supports massive military buildup and even the reclamation of historically Centaur lands held by the Imperial Union State, and the Intımaqtastıq Klwb (Solidarity Club), a very small Kinsmanite party.