Soviet Union

The 1990s marked the "End of Communism" in its traditional form. The reformist Premier Mikhail Gorbachev began by lessening Soviet influence over Eastern Europe to reduce the military's drain on Soviet resources. He then spearheaded the reformation of the Soviet Union into the Soviet Federation, a looser confederation that granted its member republics sovereign status. His successor, Andrei Gorborev, continued these reforms but immediately faced escalating secessionist movements within these sovereign republics. To counter this disintegration, Gorborev led the members of the Soviet Federation in founding the new Union of Sovereign Soviet Republics. This supranational union allowed each member state to direct its own army and foreign policy, while economically unifying them into a free trade zone. Crucially, this union brought their powerful oil and coal industries under a single, consolidated administration.   The 2000s saw the dramatic "Rise of SovOil." A coup attempt by remnants of the KGB and Communist hardliners, aiming to restore the old order, was swiftly crushed despite the considerable cost in lives and materiel, as the rebels had overstretched their resources. In the wake of this instability, SovOil capitalized on the situation, requesting authorization to establish its own security force, arguing that the Soviet Army lacked the capacity to defend all of its vast facilities across the Union. The state, unwisely, granted this permission, which spectacularly backfired on Moscow. This led directly to the Soviet Corporate Rebellion of 2002, during which SovOil declared itself an entirely independent entity. The state's subsequent military action to prevent this was decisively outmatched by SovOil's better-equipped and highly motivated troops. The government was forced to admit defeat and formally accept SovOil's independence. Following this, SovOil solidified its position as the most powerful faction within the Neo-Soviet Union. When new secessionist movements later threatened to further fragment the various sovereign republics, SovOil intervened through a combination of covert action and diplomacy, effectively preventing their breakup. This demonstrated SovOil's vested interest in maintaining the USSR's integrity and stability, leveraging its significant political power, private troops, and vast resources to achieve this. In 2006, SovOil began producing CHOOH2, an alcohol-based fuel, under license from Biotechnica, which it then marketed across Europe. A critical turning point occurred when a last-minute cancellation of a deal with Petrochem – which would have granted SovOil updated drilling, pumping, and CHOOH2 technology in exchange for partial drilling rights in untapped Siberian oilfields – created a permanent rift between the two megacorporations. This animosity soon escalated into open hostility and eventually erupted into violence, igniting the Second Corporate War, a conflict that drew in numerous smaller corporations.   The 2010s witnessed the conclusion of the Second Corporate War in mid-2010. In the ensuing years, SovOil's political importance to the USSR was undeniably proven. A notable instance of this was the crucial role played by its Chairperson, Arkady Cherminino, in resolving a conflict between Latvia and Lithuania in 2016. This intervention underscored the megacorporation's status as the primary unifying force within the Union, possessing greater resources than any individual Republic or even the Central Committee itself. By the end of the decade, SovOil had ascended to become the world's seventh-largest corporation by value, continuing its upward trajectory and solidifying its position as a major global power. By effectively leveraging its immense political power within the Union, where it could, when necessary, utilize the resources of the Republics and the Central Committee as tools, SovOil also ensured the continued global relevance of Neo-Soviet influence.   During the Fourth Corporate War (2021-2023), the USSR, primarily Russia, maintained a neutral stance due to its historically poor relations with the US and Japanese militaries, the main belligerents (Arasaka and Militech). Exploiting this neutrality, Russia strategically positioned itself as a supplier, selling weapons, ammunition, and equipment to any interested party. Similarly, the Neo-Soviet Rocket Corps became active during this period, offering cheap rocket lifters for small satellites. They successfully undercut the European Space Agency's (ESA) African Earth-to-orbit railgun cargo lifters, as corporations desperately scrambled to deploy more satellites into Low Earth Orbit (LEO).   Entering the 2030s and 2040s, despite the extensive reforms of the 1990s and SovOil's growth in the 2020s, the Neo-Soviet Republics were still hampered by their antiquated technology. By 2045, the USSR struggled significantly to adequately feed its own population. This period saw the emergence of a new generation of highly aggressive oligarchs, who rose to prominence as the failures of the economic and social reforms became glaringly evident. Unlike their Novosovetskaya Partiya (NSP) predecessors, who were content to merely siphon off existing state assets, these new Neo-Soviet oligarchs were more akin to the rapacious megacorporations of the roaring 2020s, driven by an insatiable hunger for power and a ruthless willingness to acquire it by any means. Old powers, such as SovOil, began preparing for the next phase of their evolution, acutely aware that oil's reign as their primary revenue source was finite. The megacorporation diversified extensively into a broader range of services and goods, venturing into new sectors such as general agriculture, CHOOH2 power systems, aircraft manufacturing, computers, and synthetics. This era also saw the rise of new, significant players, exemplified by Zhirafa Technical Manufacturing, which introduced the GRAF3 construction drone to the market in 2039. For the first time in decades, Neo-Soviet technology gained a reputation for being both reliable and inexpensive enough to be purchased in bulk by local governments worldwide, and was viewed with trust by small communities globally. Within a mere handful of years, numerous governments and corporations worldwide had come to depend on Zhirafa's line of aerial and terrestrial combat drones for their security and law enforcement agencies.   By 2077, the USSR presented a stark nation of irregular contrasts. While many citizens enjoyed guaranteed free public healthcare and access to the latest medical technology, complemented by modern aerodynes, and new cities were being constructed to accommodate and employ the USSR's increasingly sedentary nomad population, fundamental resources remained scarce, and widespread pollution posed a significant problem. In an effort to address these pressing issues, the government created an AI named Geroi, whose sole purpose was to calculate solutions for these challenges. In a scientific breakthrough during this time, bioengineers celebrated the first successful cloning of a cave lion. Scientists from Yakutsk, Tokyo, and Seoul collaboratively utilized genetic material extracted from the remains of an ancient female lion, which had been discovered in a bog near the Kolyma river in Northern Siberia. Concurrently, the Soviet Union and China found themselves in direct competition to secure a pivotal arms deal with Arasaka, an agreement whose outcome would inflict a severe military disadvantage on the losing nation. To personally spearhead negotiations with Arasaka on his behalf, the Secretary General of the Soviet Union hired Mikhail Akulov. Akulov, in turn, enlisted Shelma to monitor Chinese activity on the local Net, to meticulously conceal his true purpose in Night City, and to keep abreast of the progress of China's discussions with Arasaka.

Historically, Russia, often seen by Europeans as the "Great Bear," experienced centuries of static social structures. After the defeat of the Golden Horde, a system prevailed where Tsars ruled over local lords who, in turn, exploited their uneducated, bound subjects. The vast majority of the populace, comprising farmers and other lower classes, lacked basic rights and education, finding solace primarily in the Orthodox Church. This entrenched social system contributed significantly to Russia's delayed entry into the industrial age, as building an industrial base was nearly impossible with a largely illiterate population. The technological handicap stemming from this period persisted. Meanwhile, the aristocracy squandered vast sums of rubles in European casinos, gaining a reputation for disruptive behavior in cultural centers.   The October Revolution of 1917 aimed to overturn this monarchy, involving clashes between the tsarist army and two revolutionary factions. The Mensheviks, advocating a Western approach, were ultimately suppressed by the Bolsheviks, led by Lenin, who named himself after a tsarist concentration camp. Lenin’s rule was notoriously iron-fisted and paranoid. His accomplishments included the socialization of all businesses, the murder of tsarists and critics, and the implementation of resettling programs to disperse homogeneous minority populations by moving Russians into their territories. Hundreds of thousands of royalists, farmers, and intellectuals perished in his concentration camps. These methods, to varying degrees, were adopted by his successors until Gorbachev. Years of intense political infighting and intrigue left these leaders similarly paranoid by the time they reached power, though the text notes this wasn't entirely dissimilar to Western leaders.   When Gorbachev assumed power, the economic breakdown of the Soviet Union was acutely apparent. Recognizing the need for drastic change to ensure the USSR's survival, he boldly reinstituted private ownership, laying the groundwork for economic growth. He also curtailed massive military spending by reducing Soviet influence in Central European states and republics. This culminated in the profound changes of 1989, when the former East Bloc nations transitioned into "democratic" states. Gorbachev's final, pivotal act was transforming the Soviet Union into the Soviet Federation, granting its members sovereign status. Despite facing significant criticism from colleagues, he garnered public support, who hoped for better times.   Gorborev, Gorbachev's successor, continued these reforms but faced the persistent challenge of secessionist movements within various republics. Even small tribes sought national independence, despite many lacking economic viability. Crucially, resource-rich regions were forcibly retained as part of Russia. To address this, Gorborev established the Union of Sovereign Soviet Republics – a collection of independent states, akin to the European Community, with their own foreign policies and armies, unified by a free trade zone encompassing most of the former USSR. To diminish the influence of individual states over key industrial facilities and natural resources, Gorborev persuaded state leaders to re-socialize key industries, creating independent bureaucracies for oil and coal, theoretically governed by delegates from all participating states.   These reforms ignited the fury of old socialist hardliners, who, allied with remnants of the disbanded KGB (whose agents had infiltrated new Ministries of Interior), staged a coup known as the "Nights of Fire." This short, bloody conflict saw armed KGB troops and socialists clashing with loyal army units across the Neo-Soviet Union. The rebellion was swiftly suppressed despite the rebels' overextension, but at a high cost in lives and material.   The "Nights of Fire" provided the directors of SovOil, the largest industry, with a pretext to request their own security force. They argued that the Soviet Army could not effectively defend all of SovOil's facilities, which stretched from Yakutsk to Kyiv, especially with rising nationalism in the republics increasing security risks at key sites. Their request was granted, and SovOil began recruiting its own troops. This proved to be Gorborev's undoing when the Soviet Corporate Rebellion occurred in 2002. SovOil declared full independence from the state, transforming into a colossal corporation. The government perceived this as a threat to internal security and reacted, but republican forces were no match for SovOil's highly motivated, technologically superior troops. President Gorborev grudgingly conceded defeat, allowing SovOil to secede. This blow intensified his critics' discontent, leading to his resignation a few years later, his stature diminished.   His successor, Igor Starobin from Ukraine, focused his initial years on rebuilding. Once the republics had sufficiently recovered, new calls for national freedom emerged from minorities and republics. Surprisingly, it was SovOil that countered these movements. SovOil, with a vested interest in peace and stable economic conditions, negotiated deals with secessionist leaders, resorting to force when diplomacy failed. These covert actions solidified SovOil's status as the most powerful force in the Neo-Soviet Union, its vast resources, troops, and political weight ensuring the continued existence of the Union of Sovereign Soviet Republics.   Within this broader context, Ukraine held a significant position. Even after two droughts, a crop killer virus, and global weather disruptions, Ukraine remained the second-largest food producer in the Neo-Soviet Union, thanks to its exceptionally fertile "black soil." This fertility was a primary reason for Russia's long occupation until the 1990s. After the Red Army withdrew, SovOil swiftly moved in, acquiring 30% of all arable land. This raised the question of whether being governed by Russians was preferable to being owned by them, implicitly contrasting with Hungary's successful re-socialization of its industries. In summer, Ukraine is depicted as a green and pleasant land, but in winter, it experiences dry freezes, unless one is near Chernobyl, where year-round green luminescence persists. The Crimea region, however, enjoys higher temperatures and less rain, likely experiencing the same "queer weather" as the rest of the world.   Belarus's political landscape is portrayed as mirroring its physical geography: swampy and dense with woodlands, a stark contrast to urban concrete. Its politics are dominated by two significant elements. Firstly, socialist hardliners, despite suffering losses of active members during the "Nights of Fire" (a past conflict), maintain a parliamentary majority. Their advanced age suggests that their influence will wane naturally over time. Secondly, there's a persistent and long-standing discussion about rejoining Russia. This talk of a "grand Reunification" gained momentum after a monetary union was established sometime before the turn of the century. However, despite the continuous discourse, the prevailing "consensus reality" indicates a lack of a substantial basis for such a reunification.   Moldova is characterized as a "little mess of a country," plagued by widespread separatist movements. The Dniester Republic actively seeks to secede and join Ukraine, while pro-Romanian nationalists aim to integrate Moldova into Romania. The country's continued existence seems almost accidental, as even its dissolution is a point of disagreement among its various factions. Several factors contribute to its distressing state. The separatists in the Dniester Republic lack the necessary public support for a full-blown civil war, primarily because the Ukrainians residing there are content with their current status as a separate republic within Moldova, a result of deals struck with the government. This leaves the rebels largely to growing hemp and smuggling their illicit products to their Ukrainian supporters. While they did manage a few hits on city halls years prior, these ceased abruptly when the militia burned their plantations. Despite this setback, rumors persist that they plan to renew their "fight for freedom," with "an awful lot of guns" circulating in the Dniester Republic. The Romanian nationalists, on the other hand, are described as "blind idealists," with most people viewing their cause as a complete waste of time. This lack of popular backing prevents a more serious problem for the Moldovan government, which cannot afford to antagonize either Ukraine or Romania. Moldova's extreme dependency on Ukraine for virtually all energy products, from coal to raw electricity, makes it highly vulnerable. Its economy is predominantly agricultural, relying on its abundant black soil. A blockade would effectively plunge the country back into the Middle Ages, exacerbating an already dire situation where its capital, Chisinau, experiences more frequent brown-outs than even Bucharest.   The Central Asian republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan experienced significant post-USSR breakup tensions with Russia. Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan, in particular, sought to establish a "union within the union," a concept the Kremlin disliked, especially given their good relations with neighboring China and, for some unspecified reason, the Czech Republic. However, these political issues largely receded into the background when a major conflict erupted between Orthodox Christians and Muslims in the region. The Muslims announced the formation of the "Islamic Asian Republic" (IAR), encompassing Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan. Orthodox Christians within this new state felt oppressed, leading them to collect weapons and resist the IAR regime. A large-scale war ensued between the two factions. While the IAR gained ground in certain positions, the war was ultimately brought to a halt with the intervention of SovOil troops, resulting in a peace treaty. This intervention also led to the conclusion of trade and military agreements with the "new USSR," critically ensuring that the new USSR could continue to utilize the Baikonur Cosmodrome.