Fulani/Wodaabe (Alandi) (West/central alkebulan) kingdom

Origin Theories concerning Fulani origins range from superficial to plausible. According to Moussa Lam, a Fulbe historian, the origin of the Fulani is ancient Egypt. His argument is that the Fulani, because of chaos and disorder, found their way from Eastern Africa, out of the Nile Valley, across the Sahel to Senegal.However, most scholars reject this idea. One plausible idea about the origins of the Fulani is that they’re from North Africa as some scholars point to clear Fulani culture on the rock paintings in Algeria. A more accepted theory is that the Fulani originated in the region of Senegal because their language is closely related to Wolof. may come from Wodaabe are nomads, migrating through much of the Sahel from northern Cameroon to Chad, Niger, and northeast Nigeria. The last nomads in the area, the Wodaabe number between 160,000 and 200,000. Other around them - the Hausa, Fulani, and Tuaeg - regard the Wodaabe as wild people.     Religion Fulbe believed that Geno, the Supreme Being, created the universe from a drop of milk and a pantheon of deities oversaw animal husbandry.     Fulani Mythology One cultural hero of the Fulani is Goroba Dike. The story of Goroba Dike is classic Fulbe mythology. Goroba Dike was a member of the Ardo royal family. Being a younger son, Goroba-Dike had no inheritance. He was so angry because of his lack of status that he left the land of the Ardo and wandered around the lands of the Bammana people in a destructive mood. Out of fear, the Bammana gave Goroba-Dike’s bard gold and begged him to help them.   The bard convinced Goroba-Dike to return to his own people, who owed him a kingdom. In order to determine the situation in Ardo, Goroba-Dike disguised himself as a peasant and went to work for a blacksmith.   The Smith told him that Kode Ardo, the daughter of the king, Hamadi Ardo, wore a tiny ring on her little finger. She had declared that she would marry only the man whose finger the ring would fit; someone with the delicate bones of a true Fulani.   Men came from all over to try to fit the ring on their fingers, but it fit none of them. Goroba-Dike, still dressed in rags, was the last to try and the ring fit. Kode Ardo protested that she could not marry a ragged, filthy peasant.   Her father insisted that she had set the test, and Goroba-Dike had passed it. The two were married. Burdama, or Tuaregs, had been stealing the Fulbe cattle, so Hamadi Ardo sent his army against them.   Mounted on a donkey, Goroba Dike left to join the battle, with his wife jeering at him. During the battle, he transformed himself into a richly dressed warrior on a splendid horse.   He agreed to help the king’s sons-in-law win the battle if each of them gave him one of their ears in payment. After each battle, Goroba-Dike changed back into a peasant riding a donkey. At one point, the Burdama kidnapped Kode Ardo.   Goroba-Dike, in his heroic form, rescued his wife but was badly wounded. Not recognizing him as her husband, Kode Ardo bound up his wound with a part of her dress.   That night, Kode Ardo saw that her husband had been wounded, and she recognized the cloth that covered his wound. When she asked her husband for an explanation, he revealed that he was the son of a king.   He displayed the ears he had taken to prove that he was the hero of the battles. In gratitude, King Hamadi Ardo handed over his kingdom to Goroba-Dike.         General History   Until the eleventh century, the Fulani practiced a traditional pastoral life on the western edge of the Wagadu Empire. You can learn more about the Wagadu Empire from the Encyclopedia of African History. With the fall of Wagadu in the eleventh century, a new Islamic state known as Tekrur arose in the Senegal valley, and many Fulani for the first time adopted a settled existence.   They emerged with the settled population to form a Fulani speaking subgroup known as the Tukolor. Because of their presence in Tekrur and their new Islamic vigor many Fulani along with other Mande groups were soldiers in the Almoravid army.   In other words, the Tekrur Fulani were one of the ethnic groups that made up the Almoravid Moorish regiment. By around the 14th century, Fulani groups had begun a gradual migration southward and eastward from their proposed origin in Senegal. By the 15th century, they had arrived in Guinea and Mali. A century later they arrived in Hausaland and Bornu in Nigeria.   As the Fulani began to move and interact with other people they began to take up slightly different identities. Most Fulani are known as the Fulani Bororo, or “Cattle Fulani” maintaining a traditional pastoral lifestyle.   Others, however, known as the Fulani Gida, or “Town Fulani”, took up a settled existence in the towns and kingdoms of Mali, Songhai, and the Hausa states. Many Fulani after some time, became overzealous in their Islamic faith and began jihad on other African groups.   They created various kingdoms in West Africa but the most powerful by far was the Sokoto Caliphate in Northen Nigeria. In Northern Nigeria today the Fulani Gida has gradually merged with wealthy Hausa people, forming a new group sometimes referred to as Hausa-Fulani.   Although the Hausa and the Fulani are distinct ethnic groups centuries of interaction and intermarriage with the Hausa have produced strong ties. Some even consider the Hausa and the Fulani in that region to be the same. More History A search for the origin of the Fulani is not only futile, it betrays a position toward ethnic identity that strikes many anthropologists as profoundly wrong. Ethnic groups are political-action groups that exist, among other reasons, to attain benefits for their members. Therefore, by definition, their social organization, as well as cultural content, will change over time. Moreover, ethnic groups, such as the Fulani, are always coming into—and going out of—existence.   Rather than searching for the legendary eastern origin of the Fulani, a more productive approach might be to focus on the meaning of Fulani identity within concrete historical situations and analyze the factors that shaped Fulani ethnicity and the manner in which people used it to attain particular goals.   People whom historians identify as Fulani entered present-day Senegal from the north and east. It is certain that they were a mixture of peoples from northern and sub-Saharan Africa. These pastoral peoples tended to move in an eastern direction and spread over much of West Africa after the tenth century.   Their adoption of Islam increased the Fulanis' feeling of cultural and religious superiority to surrounding peoples, and that adoption became a major ethnic boundary marker. The Toroobe, a branch of the Fulani, settled in towns and mixed with the ethnic groups there. They quickly became noted as outstanding Islamic clerics, joining the highest ranks of the exponents of Islam, along with Berbers and Arabs. The Town Fulani (Fulbe Sirre) never lost touch with their Cattle Fulani relatives, however, often investing in large herds themselves. Cattle remain a significant symbolic repository of Fulani values.   The Fulani movement in West Africa tended to follow a set pattern. Their first movement into an area tended to be peaceful. Local officials gave them land grants. Their dairy products, including fertilizer, were highly prized. The number of converts to Islam increased over time. With that increase, Fulani resentment at being ruled by pagans, or imperfect Muslims, increased.   That resentment was fueled by the larger migration that occurred during the seventeenth century, in which the Fulani migrants were predominantly Muslim. These groups were not so easily integrated into society as earlier immigrants had been. By the beginning of the eighteenth century, revolts had broken out against local rulers. Although these revolts began as holy wars (jihads), after their success they followed the basic principle of Fulani ethnic dominance.   The situation in Nigeria was somewhat different from that elsewhere in West Africa in that the Fulani entered an area more settled and developed than that in other West African areas. At the time of their arrival, in the early fifteenth century, many Fulani settled as clerics in Hausa city-states such as Kano, Katsina, and Zaria. Others settled among the local peoples during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. By the seventeenth century, the Hausa states had begun to gain their independence from various foreign rulers, with Gobir becoming the predominant Hausa state.   The urban culture of the Hausa was attractive to many Fulani. These Town or Settled Fulani became clerics, teachers, settlers, and judges—and in many other ways filled elite positions within the Hausa states. Soon they adopted the Hausa language, many forgetting their own Fulfulde language. Although Hausa customs exerted an influence on the Town Fulani, they did not lose touch with the Cattle or Bush Fulani.   These ties proved useful when their strict adherence to Islamic learning and practice led them to join the jihads raging across West Africa. They tied their grievances to those of their pastoral relatives. The Cattle Fulani resented what they considered to be an unfair cattle tax, one levied by imperfect Muslims. Under the leadership of the outstanding Fulani Islamic cleric, Shehu Usman dan Fodio, the Fulani launched a jihad in 1804. By 1810, almost all the Hausa states had been defeated.   Although many Hausa—such as Yakubu in Bauchi—joined dan Fodio after victory was achieved, the Fulani in Hausaland turned their religious conquest into an ethnic triumph. Those in Adamawa, for instance, were inspired by dan Fodio's example to revolt against the kingdom of Mandara. The leader was Modibo Adamu, after whom the area is now named. His capital is the city of Yola. After their victories, the Fulani generally eased their Hausa collaborators from positions of power and forged alliances with fellow Ful       Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The Fulani form the largest pastoral nomadic group in the world. The Bororo'en are noted for the size of their cattle herds. In addition to fully nomadic groups, however, there are also semisedentary Fulani—Fulbe Laddi—who also farm, although they argue that they do so out of necessity, not choice. A small group, the Fulbe Mbalu or Sheep Fulani, rely on sheep for their livelihood.   The Toroobe are outstanding clerics in the Sunni branch of Islam. They have generally intermarried with Hausa and no longer speak Fulfulde. They are found practicing other urban trades: teaching, serving in government positions, engaging in legal activities, renting property, financing trade, and so forth.   Many of the other Town Fulani were actually slaves of the Fulani who now identify with the group because of their high prestige. These urban dwellers engage in all the trades one finds in Hausa towns from crafts to long-range trade throughout Africa and the world.   Industrial Arts. The Fulani are not particularly noted for industrial arts, except for those associated with cattle. They do engage in leatherworking and some craft production. Many of their former slaves who have assumed Fulani ethnicity follow the basic crafts of other West Africans: silver- and gold-smithing, ironworking, basket making, and similar crafts.   Trade. The Fulani are engaged in long-distance trade, generally involving cattle, with their Hausa colleagues. Often the Hausa are also butchers who control West African cattle markets by controlling access to Fulani cattle.   Division of Labor. Herding cattle is a male activity. Tending and milking cattle, however, are women's work. Women may also sell dairy products; their graceful movement with containers of milk or cheese is a common sight in West African towns. Adolescent males traditionally have been in charge of moving the herds, whereas their elders deal with the political decisions and negotiate with sedentary people for the safe movement of the herds through farmlands.   Land Tenure. Land is held by—and inherited through—the patrilineage. As the Fulani have become increasingly sedentary—generally as a result of the pressure of the modern nation state and its centralized control—rights in land have become increasingly important.     Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. The Fulani are patrilineal and patrilocal. Kinship and seniority are vital to their way of life. The basic elements of kinship are sex, age, and generation. Full siblings tend to unite against half-siblings, although half-siblings with the same mother do share a special bond.   The Fulani have a principle of generational seniority that is embodied in the general organization of lineages. There are four general lineages, all traced to descent from a common ancestor and his sons; however, everyday groups cut across these yettore lines. Such groups developed to meet historical needs. Over time, patrilineages—much shallower than the four general lineages—emerged. These patrilineages, in turn, are intersected by territorial groups under men called "guides."   Patrilineages are named and consist of three ascending generations. They are coresidential, and members cooperate in pastoral pursuits. The patrilineage controls marriage and is endogamous. A clan is a cluster of lineages, and the clan members generally share a wet-season camp.   Kinship Terminology. There is a good deal of ambiguity in the Fulani use of kinship terms. Thus, any of these terms can be used to refer to a specific person or a range of people. Part of this ambiguity results from the Fulani preference for close marriage so that any person might, in fact, be addressed or referred to by any of several terms.   Goggo is used for father s sister or paternal aunt. Bappanngo is father's brother, whereas kaawu refers to mother's brother; dendiraado designates a cross cousin, and sakike is a sibling. Baaba is father, and yaaye is mother; biddo or bu is a child. These terms are often combined, however. Thus, sakiraabe refers to both siblings and cousins of all sexes. A true sibling if elder is termed mawniyo ; if younger, minyiyo. Maama refers both to grandparents, of either sex, and their sakiraabe and their grandchildren. When it is necessary to distinguish male from female, a term may be added: biddi for male, and dibbo for female.     Marriage And Family Marriage. Ideally, the Fulani do not practice birth control because the perfect or model Fulani marriage will produce many children. Toward that goal, the Fulani marry young. No special value is placed on virginity, and women are not shy about boasting about their various experiences. In fact, the Fulani expect young women to bring sexual experience to marriage. There are even special dances in which women select mates, with the proviso that the mate selected not be her fiancé or a particular category of relative—one to whom she could be affianced, for example.   At the same time, a woman is expected to display appropriate modesty whenever the subject of marriage arises, for marriage confers on her a special status. There has been some confusion regarding what constitutes the marriage ceremony among the Fulani. Because neither bride nor groom may be present at the ceremony, owing to shame-avoidance taboos, the significance of the cattle ceremony (koowgal ) has often been overlooked. In that ceremony, the bride's father transfers one of his herd to the groom, legalizing the marriage. There may also follow a more typical Islamic ceremony, termed kabbal Again, neither bride nor groom may actually be present at the ceremony.   An important public acknowledgment of the marriage is the movement of the bride to her husband's village, termed bangal. The women of that village come to greet her, and the welcome is a rite of passage for the bride. The bride's status increases with each child she has, especially with the birth of males.   The Fulani prefer endogamy. Their first choice of a marriage partner is a patrilateral parallel cousin. If that is not possible, their other choices are for the partners to share a great-grandfather, a great-great grandfather, or a patrilateral cross cousin.   Domestic Unit. A man is allowed four wives. Each wife brings cattle with her to the marriage. It is a major obligation for a woman to milk the cattle and prepare the dairy products. A woman receives respect from her sons and daughters-in-law.   Inheritance. Lineage members inherit cattle and widows. Among Town Fulani, inheritance generally follows Islamic prescriptions, with the exception that generally women do not contest their inheritance with their full brothers.   Socialization. At 2 years of age, children are weaned. A child's father remains distant throughout its life. Women provide for children's needs. Thus, a mother and her daughters tend to the needs of her sons. A young girl first plays at carrying dolls on her back and then moves on to carrying her baby brother.   Among the Pastoral Fulani, baby girls are given amulets for fertility and boys for virility. Mothers take care to preserve and shape their children's conformity to the Fulani ideal notions of beauty. Mothers attempt to lengthen their children's noses by pressing them between their fingers, stretching, and squeezing hard. They also attempt to shape their children's heads into the ideal round shape.   Acquiring a culture is perceived as acquiring something that is found. The Fulani term is tawaangal. There is a sense that no one invented nor can change these traditions, for they define what it is to be Fulani.   Young children are treated with great gentleness and are rarely disciplined. Adults seek to avoid giving them any emotional shocks. Most training is given by a child's mother and the other women of the compound. They are believed to be more capable of patience and reciprocity. Young girls are initiated into their adult work through games. The young girl carries her doll. At 2 or 3 years old her ears are pierced, six holes in her right ear and six in her left. Almost as soon as she can walk well, she is placed into the middle of a circle of dancing women who begin to teach her to dance and praise her efforts lavishly.   Indeed, the transition to adulthood proceeds in smooth steps. At about 5 years of age, girls are taught the rules of the moral code -mbo. There are to be no sexual relations of any kind with brothers. A woman may not look at her fiancé in the face. She must demonstrate respect for elders and must never mention her future parents-in-law. Women have two essential roles in Fulani society, that of sister and daughter. Either at her naming ceremony or just before she leaves her father's home for her husband's, a woman's father presents her with a heifer. There is shame for a man on entering his daughter's home; however, the strong affection he demonstrates for his grandchildren is meant to show his affection for his daughter as well.   Young boys play at taking care of the cattle and performing men's work. Mothers come to rely more on sons than on daughters because daughters will leave the compound upon marriage.     Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. The Fulani are many different people. Among those who term themselves "Fulani" are former slaves and members of castes or guilds, such as blacksmiths or bards. It is important to note that the Fulani hold that belonging to society itself is dependent on the will of the individual.   Political Organization. Fulani tend to be the ruling caste among Islamic communities in the northern areas of West Africa. They control the various northern emirates in what was Northern Nigeria, for example. They also play a major role in the modern governments of many West African states.   Among the Cattle Fulani, a leader (ardo) of a territorial group has a major role. Patrilineages play an important part in regulating day-to-day matters and in controlling cattle. They also govern marriages and widow inheritance.   Conflict. Kinship and regional groups regulate conflict within and between groups. The Fulani often come into conflict with settled populations among which they pass. Alliances with Town Fulani help resolve a number of disputes between Fulani and their neighbors. The Fulani are quick to resort to combat in the defense of their interest but also have a reputation for waiting for the opportune moment to seek revenge if the situation demands patience.     The ethos of the Fulani is best summed up in the concept of palaaku. It portrays the ideal Fulani as one who has stoic sobriety, reserve, and strong emotional ties to cattle. At the same time, the model Fulani is gentle in demeanor. His carriage conveys a proud reserve, almost a disdain toward non-Fulani. It is said that no one knows what a Fulani is thinking. The true Fulani is physically as well as psychologically distant from other people, especially non-Fulani. Moreover, he is enjoined from displays of strong emotions. His demeanor is taciturn, loathing the boisterousness of others. Wealth is not to be vulgarly displayed but carefully and quietly tended. The Fulani have a number of taboos. They may not pronounce the name of a spouse, a first son, a first daughter, a father or mother, or a parent-in-law or the names of the parents of any beautiful girl or young woman. In addition to observing the usual Islamic dietary laws, they may not eat goat meat, lest they become lepers.   Ceremonies. Various life-cycle events—naming, acceptance of young girls into the group, marriage, first child, and so on—are marked by ceremonies. The Shar'o ceremony demonstrates to the community that a young man has come of age. In it, adolescent friends take turns beating each other across the chest with their walking sticks. No sign of pain or discomfort can be shown. Although adolescents have died in this ceremony, young men are eager to participate and display their scars with pride throughout their lives. Arts. The Fulani are noted for their oral literature, which celebrates the concept of palaaku and serves to define Fulani identity. Fulani oral literature has been influenced both by surrounding peoples and by Islam. The major categories of Fulani literature are poetry, history, story, legend, proverb, magic formula, and riddle. Many of these genres are sung, either by amateurs or by professionals.   Medicine. The Fulani participate in a number of medical systems. One is an Islamic system, basically derived from the Arabs and through them from Greco-Roman sources. They share many traditions with the groups among whom they live. Since the onset of British colonization—around the turn of the twentieth century—they have been exposed to Western medical practices. In common with other West Africans, they have incorporated elements from these various systems in a rather syncretistic and pragmatic fashion.   Death and Afterlife. If one lives up to the palaaku code and obeys Allah's laws, there will be rewards in the afterlife. The Fulani, in common with other Muslims, believe in an afterlife of material rewards for the followers of Allah.       Fulani Hair Culture One of the most recognizable and popular hairstyles amongst the Fulani people actually comes from a sub-group of the larger Fulani ethnic group called the Wodaabe. The Wodaabe are an egalitarian nomadic group that lives largely in the countries of Niger, Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad and the Central African Republic. The Fulani are dedicated to the idea of beauty and are known for the time and attention they give to their appearance. One of the primary forms of beauty for the Fulani is definitely hair.   Fulani hair designs amongst women are very elaborate and diverse, varying with age. It largely consists of different combinations of braids, coils, and crests of hair. The Fulani manipulation of hair has been regarded as a form of sculpture.   Some Fulani women in Guinea are known for a style called jubaade (dyubade) in which the upper hair is stretched into an elaborate crest by fixing it to a high, arched strip of bamboo. This particular hairstyle today would be recognizable as a frohawk. Some nomadic Fulani even make use of false hair which has been passed down from generation to generation in order to complete the full look, as longer fuller hair is considered beautiful.   The above hairstyle from the Woodabe characterized with the large rounded bun in the upper portion of the head has been observed on rock paintings in North Africa from the ancient Sahara. Thousands of years ago many African ethnic groups were located further North and the Fulani were one of them. Some scholars believe that some of the rock paintings from the ancient Sahara clearly show the Fulani hairstyle.   This hairstyle has literally been in existence for 6000 years, seemingly originating in the Late Stone age. Fulani hair culture seems to have deep roots going all the back to ancient times.   The Fulani are also known to adorn their hair with numerous items to enhance their beauty. Items such as amber heads, beads, and coins. So in theory the bigger the ornament the bigger the status. _________________________________________________________________________________________   Wodaabe   The Wodaabe (Fula: Woɗaaɓe), also known as the Mbororo or Bororo, are a small subgroup of the Fulani ethnic group. They are traditionally nomadic cattle-herders and traders in the Sahel, with migrations stretching from southern Niger, through northern Nigeria, northeastern Cameroon, southwestern Chad, western region of the Central African Republic and the northeastern of the Democratic Republic of Congo .[1] The number of Wodaabe was estimated in 2001 to be 100,000.[2][3] They are known for their elaborate attire and rich cultural ceremonies. The Wodaabe speak the Fula language and don't use a written language.[4] In the Fula language, woɗa means "taboo", and Woɗaaɓe means "people of the taboo". This is sometimes translated as "those who respect taboos", a reference to the Wodaabe isolation from broader Fulbe culture, and their contention that they retain "older" traditions than their Fulbe neighbors.[5] In contrast, other Fulbe as well as other ethnic groups sometimes refer to the Wodaabe as "Mbororo", a sometimes pejorative name,[6] translated into English as "Cattle Fulani", and meaning "those who dwell in cattle camps".[7] By the 17th century, the Fula people across West Africa were among the first ethnic groups to embrace Islam, were often leaders of those forces which spread Islam, and have been traditionally proud of the urban, literate, and pious life with which this has been related. Both Wodaabe and other Fulbe see in the Wodaabe the echoes of an earlier pastoralist way of life, of which the Wodaabe are proud and of which urban Fulbe are sometimes critical.   Location, Land, and Climate Wodaabe are nomads, migrating through much of the Sahel from northern Cameroon to Chad, Niger, and northeast Nigeria. The last nomads in the area, the Wodaabe number between 160,000 and 200,000. Other around them - the Hausa, Fulani, and Tuaeg - regard the Wodaabe as wild people. The Wodaabe refer to the Fulani with equal disdain as Wodaabe who lost their way.   The seasons dictate Wodaabe migrations. From July to September, the short rainy season, sporadic storms cause floods. Most of September and October are hot and dry, November to February is cold. The hottest months, March to June, are also dry. During the short rainy season, Wodaabe lineage groups come together and hold their ceremonial dances, the Geerewol, Worso, and Yakke. The rest of the year the Wodaabe split up into small lineage groups.   Livelihood   The Wodaabe's main economic activity is cattle-herding. Cattle provide milk products that, along with cereal obtained through trading, are the basis of the diet. Beef is eaten only during ceremonies. The Wodaabe also keep goats and sheep for milk and meat and use camels and donkeys for transportation.   During the dry season, milk production is lowest, and the need for cereal grains especially acute. At thee times, however, the cows are in their poorest condition and grain prices are highest. Thus, Wodaabe sell their cattle at cutrate prices. Moreover, droughts in the 1970s and early 1980s depleted the herds, so many Wodaabe have had to resort to earning wages in towns or herding cattle for their sedentary neighbors.   While these activities allow Wodaabe llineage groups and individuals to survive the dry season, they don't rebuilt the herds. The depletion of the herds means the Wodaabe can't use their traditional way of aiding members of the tribe who lose their cattle - by loaning a cow for several years, with the borrower keeping the calves.   Cultural Systems   The Wodaabe divide themselves into 15 lineage groups. Membership is based on both blood-lines and traveling together in the dry season.   Membership in a lineage groups determines who can marry whom. The only marriages that may occur between members of the same groups are Koobegal marriages arranged during the partners' childhood and formally recognized by the council of elders. Subsequent Teegal marriages are by choice of the partners.   Lineage-group membership doesn't exclude people from Teegal marriages, but such marriages often cause friction. They usually involve "wife-stealing," often with the consent of the woman but never with that of her husband. Teegal marriage is also a source of friction between the new wife and previous ones. More wives means that fewer resources, such as milk from the husband's herd, are allocated to each. Eloping in a Teegal marriage that carries little stigma allows a Wodaabe woman considerable freedom, but she must leave her children with the ex-husband. The system guarantees the children's place in society while permitting spontaneity and flexibility to the parents.   The Wodaabe believe in various bush spirits that live in trees and wells and are reputed to be saddened by how people have treated them. All spirits are intertwined in taboos pertaining largely to ecology. Some spirits are dangerous.   The Wodaabe have acquired some knowledge of Islam and invoke the name of Allah in times of death or difficulty. However, what constitutes the notion of Allah for the Wodaabe is ambiguous.   More central is a set of values concerning beauty, patience, and fortitude. Physical beauty - a long nose, round head, light skin, and white teeth - is one ideal quality, particularly for men but for women as well. Wodaabe sometimes wear makeup to enhance these attractions.   Central cultural institutions are the dances - Geerewol, Worso, and Yakke - held during tribal gatherings in the rainy season. During tribal gatherings, flirtations occur and Teegal marriages are negotiated. In the dances, the men of a lineage engage in a beauty contest judged by three young women from an opposite lineage. These young women are picked as judges by the male tribal elders on the basis of their fortitude and patience. They appraise the men on appearance, charm, and dancing ability.   SUGGESTED READINGS   Carol Beckwith and Marion Offelin, Nomads of Niger, H.N. Abrams, 1983.   Carol Beckwith, "Niger's Wodaabe: People of the Taboo," National Geographic, October 1983.   Marguerite Dupire, "The Position of Women in a Pastoral Society" in Women of Tropical Africa, ed. by Denise Paulne, University of California Press, 1982.   Current Problems   The Niger government's effort to enroll children is school effectively deprives the Wodaabe of their labor in herding and household chores. It also encourages the young to ignore the food taboos.   Drought has reduced Wodaabe herds almost to extinction. Government policies favor farm settlements, allotting land for fields at the expense of open grazing land. As settlements spread northward, the advance of the desert southward squeezes the Wodaabe onto smaller and more marginal land. International development experts pushing for fixed settlement of the Wodaabe are concerned not with finding a way of life acceptable to the Wodaabe, but with preventing them from draining resources.   During famine, the Nigar government adopts a "food-for-work" program. The Wodaabe receive grains in return for planting seeds. However, this plan doesn't provide for restocking cattle, and the Wodaabe generally leave the program as soon as they can. They want to live according to their tradition of "mbodangaku" - the way of their ancestors.